Xiipuktan (First of All): Three Views of the Origins of the Quechan People
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Part I:
Acknowledgements and Introduction

by Amy Miller

DOI: 10.11647/OBP.0037.01


Much of our recording and reviewing was done at the Quechan Elderly Nutrition Site in Winterhaven, California between 2003 and 2006, and we thank the staff of the Site, especially the late Betty Robles, for their hospitality.

Many people have helped to get this book published, and we are grateful to them all, including Quechan Language Preservation Program director Barbara Levy and language teachers Ila Dunzweiler, Arlie Emerson, Della Escalanti, and Judith Osborne; Marilyn Swafford, formerly of Quechan Social Services; Quechan grants writer Cliff O'Neill; the family of George Bryant; and our good friend Susan Decker. Amy Miller would also like to thank the staff of the Santa Barbara Museum of Natural History, and John R. Johnson in particular, for their assistance during the tenure of her NSF grant, and Matthew Hanser for proofreading English portions of the manuscript.

This material is based upon work supported by the National Science Foundation under Grant No. 0317783. Any opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this material are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Science Foundation.

Publication of this book is made possible by the Institute of Museum and Library Services Native American / Native Hawaiian Museum Services Program grant number MN-00-13-0025-13. We thank the Quechan Tribal Council for prompt approval of the grant budget. We are also grateful to Open Book Publishers and their director, Dr. Alessandra Tosi, as well as the World Oral Literature Project and its director, Dr. Mark Turin, for making the publication of this book possible.


The Quechan people live along the lower part of the Colorado River in an area which has been their home for a very long time.1 Traditionally, Quechan territory extended from around Needles, California, to the Gulf of California (Forde 1931:88). Today, the Quechan Indian Nation occupies Fort Yuma Indian Reservation, a portion of their original territory extending along the east side of the river from Winterhaven, California into Yuma, Arizona. Information about traditional Quechan culture may be found in Forde (1931), Bee (1983), and Halpern (1997). Aspects of Quechan history, society, and politics have been discussed by Forbes (1965) and Bee (1981).

The Quechan language, also known as Yuma or Kwatsáan, belongs to the Yuman language family. The Yuman family has three major branches, as diagrammed in Figure 1: River (the branch to which Quechan belongs), Pai, and Delta-California. Kiliwa is regarded as a language isolate within the family.


Figure 1. The Yuman language family

According to Quechan tradition, the Quechan, Maricopa, Cocopa, and Kumeyaay (whom the Quechan call Kamia) people were created together at the beginning of time.2 Eventually they were taken to the sacred mountain ‘Avíi Kwa’amée (more widely known as Newberry Mountain, located north of Needles, California), where they were taught the proper way to live in the world, and when they came down from this mountain the tribes went their separate ways. The name Quechan makes explicit reference to this traditional history: Quechan is an anglicized spelling of Kwaatsáan, which means ‘those who descended’.3 As Mr. Bryant explains in Part III, it is shortened from Xáam Kwaatsáan ‘those who descended by means of water’,4 a name which refers either to the descent of the Quechan people from ‘Avíi Kwa’amée (Bee 1983:97) or to their subsequent route down the Colorado River to their traditional territory (George Bryant, personal communication).

The creation story is central to Quechan literature and culture. It tells how the people came into existence and explains the origin of their environment and their oldest traditions. It also forms the backdrop against which much of the tribe’s extensive oral literature may be understood.

There are almost as many different versions of the Quechan creation story as there are Quechan families. (Different families even have different ways of saying the name of the Creator.)5 Different versions reflect different family backgrounds and traditions, and no single version is more legitimate or more “correct” than any other. On the contrary, the variation in its stories adds much to the richness and vibrancy of Quechan literature. For two published views of the Creation which differ from those in this volume, see Wilson (1984) and the film Journey from Spirit Mountain.

This volume presents three views of the origins of the Quechan people. Two are traditional: one is based on a story recorded by anthropologist J.P. Harrington at the beginning of the twentieth century, while the other was researched and recalled by Quechan tribal member George Bryant nearly a hundred years later. These two versions of the creation story complement one another and together provide a richer and more comprehensive account of the origins of the Quechan people than could either version on its own.6 The third narrative provides a bridge between traditional creation stories and today’s world. It is based loosely on the modern scientific view of a migration across the Bering Strait, yet it also describes how various Yuman tribes came to settle in their traditional locations and how they got their names, and in this way it serves as a sequel to the traditional stories in Parts II and III.

This volume does not reveal any tribal secrets; rather, it restores to its original language a story which has been in print in English for over a hundred years. It is presented here in a bilingual format which we hope will be useful to fluent speakers, language learners, and English speakers alike. The sections below explain exactly how the restoration was done.

A Quechan Account of Origins

An early account of the Quechan creation, entitled “A Yuma Account of Origins,” was published in English by anthropologist John Peabody Harrington in 1908. Harrington learned the story from a Quechan man named Joe Homer. Homer was born sometime in the early 1860s and acquired his knowledge of the creation in the traditional Quechan way: through dreaming.7

Dreaming holds a central place in traditional Quechan culture and religion. “Every individual ‘can dream vivid dreams’,” writes Harrington (1908:326), “and whatever is dreamed is believed either to have once happened or to be about to happen. Only a few men, however, dream proficiently and professionally.” These powerful few have the ability to visit the mythic past of the Quechan—and in particular the scene of the creation—in dreams.

Joe Homer told Harrington:

I was present from the very beginning, and saw and heard all. I dreamed a little of it at a time. I would then tell it to my friends. The old men would say, “That is right! I was there and heard it myself.” Or they would say, “You have dreamed poorly. That is not right.” And they would tell me right. So at last I learned the whole of it right. [Joe Homer, quoted by Harrington 1908:327]

His version of the creation story has thus been corroborated and in some places amended by his contemporaries.

While the full version of the creation myth is traditionally told over the course of four nights, the English version published by Harrington is packed into twenty pages of scholarly prose, and we may conclude that it has been very tightly condensed. It was, however, “carefully revised by the narrator himself,” according to Harrington (1908:326).

In June, 2003, George Bryant and I studied “A Yuma Account of Origins” and agreed that the story should be restored to its original language. Mr. Bryant began then and there the lengthy process of retelling it in Quechan. During the first two sessions, I transcribed his narration by hand. Thereafter Mr. Bryant consented to have the story recorded, and we recorded two sessions in September and two more in November, 2003. After retelling the story to its end, Mr. Bryant returned to the beginning of the story and retold it for a second time, for the purpose of recording. As a result the entire story is now recorded on tape. It is approximately six hours in duration. Mr. Bryant’s retelling is entitled “A Quechan Account of Origins.”

The Quechan Legend of the Creation

Mr. Bryant grew up “in between” cultures and considers himself fortunate to have experienced both traditional Quechan and modern American ways of life. As a child, he listened to tribal elders telling the creation story. No two narrations were quite the same, and he found each version to be useful for filling in gaps left by the others. As an adult, he researched English-language written versions of the story and found greater differences. “They didn’t know too much English back then,” he explains, and with regard to some details, “the interpreters didn’t know how to put it right.”

Mr. Bryant eventually synthesized his childhood memories and the results of his research in an article entitled “The Kwatsan Legend of the Creation”, which appeared as a three-part series in the Quechan Newsletter in 1995. His work provides a different perspective and a bit more information about the early events of the Creation than does Harrington’s.

Mr. Bryant retold his version of the creation story in the Quechan language on January 27, 2004, using a draft of “The Quechan Legend of the Creation” as a guide. His narration is approximately 62 minutes in duration.

The Migration of the Yuman Tribes

The modern age has a different view of how Native Americans came to populate the New World. “The Migration of the Yuman Tribes” presents Mr. Bryant’s personal view of the origins of the Quechan people. Incorporating modern scientific information, it begins with the migration of people across the Bering Strait from Asia to North America. It then describes how the ancestors of the Yuman people traveled through the continent, dividing themselves into groups and eventually settling in what became their homelands. This portion of the narrative, which also explains how the tribes got their names, makes a fitting conclusion to traditional Creation stories as well as to the modern account.

“The Migration of the Tribes” is a spontaneous original narrative, notable for the ease and fluency with which it was told. George Bryant narrated “The Migration of the Yuman Tribes” in the Quechan language on April 1, 2004. This narration is approximately 15 minutes long.

From English to Quechan

We began with the intention of translating the narratives of Harrington (1908) and Bryant (1995) back into Quechan. We soon found that converting an English-language narrative into idiomatic Quechan is no simple task. It requires not just the translation of words and sentences but extensive restructuring at the levels of syntax, rhetorical structure, and local organization. It also typically involves the elaboration and expansion of material in order to express detail at the level considered appropriate in idiomatic Quechan and the re-creation of conversations that are merely summarized in the English version. In short, it amounts to retelling the story in Quechan using the English version as a guide.

Mr. Bryant has the remarkable ability to do all this simultaneously, if slowly and thoughtfully, in his head, producing idiomatic Quechan as the result. After a brief study of Harrington’s “A Yuma Account of Origins”, he used Harrington’s English text as a guide, restructured and reorganized its ideas, and restated them in Quechan at the appropriate level of detail. He did the same for “The Quechan Legend of the Creation”. His Quechan renditions of these stories retain all the content of the English originals but differ from them in syntax, rhetorical structure, local organization, and level of detail. The reader who compares the line-by-line English versions presented here to the English versions published by Harrington (1908) and Bryant (1995) will immediately appreciate these differences. For example, where Harrington writes, “In vain the wicked besought Kwikumat to let them in. Most of them were drowned,” Mr. Bryant elaborates:

Piipáa 'atsláytsəts mata’ár oov’ótsk,


Kukwiimáatt kwakyáavək:

“ 'Aakxávapátəlyá!”

a’íik 'et.

“Kaváarək,” a’íim,

avoonóok 'eta.


'axály oopóoyk 'et.

We translate this as:

The bad people stood outside,

and at that point,

they asked Kukwiimáatt a favor:

“We want to come in too!”

they said, they say.

“No,” he said,

and they were moving about there, they say.

There were a whole lot of them,

and they drowned, they say.

In re-telling this episode, Mr. Bryant expands and restructures the narrative to reflect the chronological order of events. He re-creates a conversation to which Harrington only alludes. And—by invention or memory—he supplies subtle details which Harrington omits but which are necessary in Quechan storytelling: what the people are doing and how they are oriented before Kukwiimáatt’s decision (mata’ár oov’ótsk) and after the decision (avoonóok), and the number of people who are affected (atáyk).

Where Harrington writes, “Lizard (Kwaatuly) lighted a wisp of arrow-weed. He lighted the southeast corner of the pyre first, and last of all the southwest corner,” Mr. Bryant’s re-telling is rich in traditional Quechan rhetorical devices including repetition, syntactic parallelism, and the iconic use of narrative time to mirror the duration of an event:


nyáanyi 'eethóo atháwk,



'a’áw aatapályək.

'A’áw aatapályəm aráak.




kavéely athúum,

nyáavik athúum,


nyáany xiipúk aatapályk.




kwaaxwíirnyi aakwíink,



kavéely 'anyaaxáap kamémt.



We translate this as:

As for Kwatúuly (Chuckwalla),

at that point he got some willow,

and so,

he set it on fire,

he lit a fire.

He lit a fire and it blazed up.

He went along,

and as he went along,

in the south,

it was in the south,

it was over here,

in the corner,

that was the first place he lit.

He went along,

he went along,

and he turned,

he turned the corner there,

and he went along,

and in the south,

he brought it into the southwest.

He did it again as he had done before,

he set it on fire again as he had done before.

Finally, consider the following passage from Bryant (1995): “While traveling toward the top he opened his eyes in spite of what some strange sense perception had warned him as it did previously to Kukwimat but since Asakwimat did not heed the warning he was blinded by the waters that filled his eyes.” Mr. Bryant retells this passage in Quechan as:



'atsaayúu nyiuukanáavək 'etá.

Xiipúk Kukwiimáatt uu’ítsənya,

nyáany uukanáavəntík 'etá.


nyáanya uukuunáavnya makyík a’áv aly’émk,

makyík athúu lya’émk,




'axám áamk viiyáaxayk,


uutstáaqtsəm athúum,

'axányts alyaxávək,


Eethó kwa’ura’úur alyaxávək athúum,



'atsaayúulya’émk 'etá.

Eethóts tár 'ím.

In the retelling, Mr. Bryant once again restructures the narrative by reporting events in the order in which they occurred. He expands on the information presented in the original English version by making liberal use of repetition, paraphrase, and syntactic parallelism. As a result, the Quechan-language retelling brings to the foreground—and causes the listener or reader to spend some time considering—each of the events which make up this portion of the narrative. We translate the Quechan version as:

He went along,

he went along, and suddenly,

he was told things, they say.

Whatever had been said first to Kukwiimáatt,

that’s what was said to him too, they say.

This (is what) happened:

he did not listen at all to what was said to him,

not at all,

and suddenly,



he was swimming along, and suddenly,

he was going along,

and he opened (his eyes),

and the water went in,

into his eyes.

It went into his eyeballs, and so,

at that point,

from then on,

he couldn’t see anything, they say.

He was blind.

From recording to manuscript

I listened carefully and repeatedly to the recordings of Mr. Bryant retelling the two stories, and transcribed them verbatim. I divided the text into lines motivated by prosodic criteria, including melody, rhythm, and pauses, outlined in Miller (1997). Then, using Harringon (1908) and Bryant (1995) for reference, I gave each line of Quechan text a coherent English translation.

My primary goal in translating was to convey in English the intended meaning of each prosodic line of Quechan. In some cases it was necessary to add lexical information to an English line so that information conveyed either implicitly or grammatically in the Quechan line would not be lost. For instance, since English lacks a switch-reference system, it was sometimes necessary to add a noun phrase to the translation to help the reader keep track of reference. Since English lacks overt case markers for lexical noun phrases, it was sometimes necessary to add a verb to the translation of a line consisting solely of a postposed noun phrase in order to clarify that noun phrase’s function. Added information appears in parentheses.

There are several reasons for translating at the level of the prosodic line: First, I hope to capture in the English translation as much as possible of the rhetorical structure and local organization of the Quechan version. Second, I hope to influence the reader’s pace, encouraging him or her to give due attention to each idea that is expressed as the story unfolds. Finally, I hope that an English key to small units of Quechan language will be useful to the language learner.

Mr. Bryant and I spent many weeks reviewing the transcripts and translations of the tapes. Mr. Bryant considered each line carefully and pointed out ways in which it might be improved. His corrections to the English translations have been incorporated into the finished product. Of the numerous corrections to the Quechan transcript which he suggested, those which clarify the structure or meaning of the narrative, as well as those which seemed particularly important to Mr. Bryant, have been incorporated into the text. As a result, there are now minor discrepancies between the Quechan version as it appears here and that which is heard on the tape. Each such discrepancy is explained in notes at the end of the volume. Corrections involving matters of style—many of them intended to make the Quechan narrative sound appropriately formal—are documented in the endnotes, but in order to minimize discrepancies between the tape and the transcript they have not been incorporated into the text.

A few general observations are noted here, once and for all: First, like most speakers, Mr. Bryant frequently uses the short variants ‘ím, ‘ét or ‘et, and ‘ityá of suffixed forms of the auxiliary verb a’íim ‘to say’ to convey quotative mood. In formal speech these short forms would be replaced with the corresponding long forms a’ím, a’ét, and a’ítyá. Second, the word ’atsaayúu (along with its variants ‘aayúu and nyaayúu) literally means ‘thing’. In discourse, ‘atsaayúu and its variants are often used as hesitation words, holding the floor for the speaker while he decides how best to express his next idea, and under such circumstances they are translated with the English hesitation word well. Mr. Bryant would like the literal meaning ‘thing’ always to be kept in mind. Finally, certain auxiliary verbs are often used as clause-linking devices, and in this use they are best translated into English as conjunctions; for further discussion see Miller (1993).


The Quechan language is written phonemically, using a practical orthography:


á, à

like the a in about.


a longer sound, like the a in father.


like the e in pet.


the same sound, only held for a longer time. In certain contexts (for example, following th, sh, or ny), ee is lowered and sounds almost like the a in mad, only held for a longer time.


like the i in pit.


like the i in machine, only held for a longer time.


like the o in pot.


the same sound, only held for a longer time.


like the u in put.


like the u in rule, only held for a longer time.


this a, written without an accent, represents “schwa,” a special vowel whose pronunciation depends upon the sounds which surround it, as discussed below, and which may disappear or be relocated when prefixes are added to the word.


this vowel represents schwa in post-stress position, where it sounds like the e in government.



like the k in sky.


the same sound, but made with rounded lips. It sounds like the kw in backward.


like the ky in backyard.


like the l in freely.


to make this sound, put your tongue in position to say ly, then blow air out so that it goes around the sides of your tongue.


like the lli in million. This sound is made with the tip of the tongue touching the lower teeth.


like the m in mom.


like Spanish n, as in bonito.


like the ng in sing. This sound is found in few spoken words but many song words.


like the ny in canyon.


like the p in spin.


a sound similar to k but pronounced farther back in the mouth.


the same sound, but made with rounded lips.


a tapped or slightly trilled r, similar to the r in the Spanish pronunciation of María.


like Spanish s, as in peso.


this is not like English sh; instead, it is a whistling sound made with the tip of the tongue at the roots of the teeth and slightly curled back.


like Spanish t, as in bonito. Made with the tongue touching the upper front teeth, or even between the front teeth.


like the th in this.


like the ts in lots.


like English t, as in stun. Made with the tongue touching the roots of the upper front teeth.


like the ty in the expression got ya!


like the v in very.


like the w in wet.


like the ch in German ach, or like Spanish j as in jota.


the same sound, but made with rounded lips.


like the y in yes.


this sound, known as “glottal stop”, is actually a brief period of silence made by closing the vocal cords. It is found in the English expressions uh-uh and uh-oh.

Pronunciation tips: For many speakers, particularly those of the older generation, a vowel which begins a word is preceded by aspiration (a puff of air which some people think of as “a little h”). Aspiration disappears when the word is prefixed; for instance, while aspiration may be heard at the beginning of av’áak ‘he walked’, it is not heard in nyaav’áak ‘when he walked’.

The vowels á and à are pronounced like the a in about. Unaccented a, on the other hand, represents an inorganic vowel known in the Yuman literature as “schwa,” and its pronunciation depends upon the sounds that surround it. For instance, when followed by y or between palatal consonants, unaccented a may be pronounced like the i in pit; when followed by w it may be pronounced like the u in put. Unaccented a may disappear or be relocated when a prefix is added to the word. A sequence of kw followed by unaccented a may be pronounced either kwa or, in casual speech, ku.

When a stressed vowel is followed by y or w, the sounds are pronounced sequentially; they are not combined using English conventions. When pronouncing the sequence áay, for instance, one first pronounces the aa sound (like the a in father) then pronounces the y sound (as in yes). When pronouncing the sequence éw, one first pronounces the e (like the e in pet) and then the w (as in wet).


The grammar of Quechan is highly complex. A detailed description may be found in Halpern (1946, 1947) and a brief update in Miller (1997:25-32). The reader is encouraged to consult these sources. To provide some idea of the extent to which Quechan differs from English, we mention here just a few of the most basic facts about the language.

The basic word order is SUBJECT-OBJECT-VERB. Noun phrases are frequently omitted if their referents are understood. Sometimes a noun phrase is placed at the end of a sentence as an afterthought. A case marker indicates the function of the noun phrase in the sentence.

Pronouns typically take the form of prefixes on the verb. There are also independent words for ‘I’, ‘me’, ‘you’, ‘we’, and ‘us’, but these are used primarily for emphasis.

Plurals and nominalizations may be formed from basic verb stems in various complicated ways which include prefixation, suffixation, and changes in the length and/or quality of the stressed vowel. Many verbs have two plural forms: a collective/dual form and a distributive/multiple form. The use of plural forms is optional, except in the case of motion verbs and auxiliaries, where it is obligatory.

While verb tenses are important in English, aspect and mood are important in Quechan. Progressive aspect is indicated by auxiliary verb constructions, and notions such as repetition, limited or interrupted duration, and sequentiality may be marked by suffixes on the verb. Irrealis mood (which indicates that an event has never or not yet taken place) is marked by means of a suffix on the verb, as are most other moods including optative, interrogative, and dubitative. Quotative mood is indicated by an auxiliary verb construction and imperative mood by a verbal prefix which fits into the same paradigm as the personal pronominal prefixes.

Clauses are often linked together in long chains. A switch reference marker which follows the verb tells whether its subject is the same as or different from the subject of the following verb.


The following conventions are used in this volume:


Bee, Robert L., Crosscurrents Along the Colorado: The Impact of Government Policy on the Quechan Indians (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1981).

—, Quechan. Handbook of North American Indians, vol. 10: Southwest, ed. by Alfonso Ortiz (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1983).

Bryant, George, ‘The Kwatsaan Legend of the Creation’, in Quechan Newsletter (Winterhaven: Quechan Tribe, 1995).

Forbes, Jack D., Warriors of the Colorado: The Yumas of the Quechan Nation and Their Neighbors (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1965).

Forde, C. Daryll, Ethnography of the Yuma Indians (University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 28.4, 1931).

Halpern, A.M., ‘Yuma I: Phonemics’, International Journal of American Linguistics 12.1 (1946).

—, ‘Yuma II: Morphophonemics’, International Journal of American Linguistics 12.3 (1946).

—, ‘Yuma III: Grammatical Processes and the Noun’, International Journal of American Linguistics 12.4 (1946).

—, ‘Yuma IV: Verb Themes’, International Journal of American Linguistics 13.1 (1947).

—, ‘Yuma V: Conjugation of the Verb Theme’, International Journal of American Linguistics 13.2 (1947).

—, ‘Yuma VI: Miscellaneous Morphemes’, International Journal of American Linguistics 13.3 (1947).

—, Kar’úk: Native Accounts of the Quechan Mourning Ceremony, ed. by Amy Miller and Margaret Langdon (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Publications in Linguistics 128, 1997).

Harrington, John Peabody, ‘A Yuma Account of Origins’. Journal of American Folk-Lore 21.82 (1908).

Journey from Spirit Mountain, Dir. Daniel Golding, perf. Preston J. Arrow-weed (Ahmut Pipa Foundation and Hokan Media Productions, 2010).

Kroeber, A.L. ‘Seven Mohave Myths’, Anthropological Records 11.1 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1948).

—, ‘More Mojave Myths’, Anthropological Records 27 (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press, 1972).

Miller, Amy, ‘Conjunctions and Reference Tracking in Yuma’, Proceedings of the Meeting of the Society for the Study of the Indigenous Languages of the Americas and the Hokan-Penutian Workshop (Berkeley: Survey of California and Other Indian Languages Report 8, 1993).

—, ‘Introduction’ in Kar’úk: Native Accounts of the Quechan Mourning Ceremony, by M. Halpern (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Publications in Linguistics 128, 1997).

Spier, Leslie, Yuman Tribes of the Gila River (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1933, reprinted by Dover Publications, Inc., New York, 1978).

Stewart, Kenneth M., ‘Yumans: Introduction’ in Handbook of the Indians of North America, Volume 10: Southwest, ed. by Alfonso Ortiz (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1983).

Wilson, William, ‘Excerpts from the Lightning Song’ in Spirit Mountain, ed. by Leanne Hinton and Lucille Watahomigie (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1984).

1 While Bee (1981:viii) points out that Spanish records of the late 17th century are the first to mention the Quechan by name, Stewart (1983:1) cites evidence that their ancestors have lived in the area for at least a millennium.

2 The Mojave and Hualapai, along with the Mexicans and whites, were created shortly thereafter; see Part III of this volume.

3 Kwaatsáan is based on the archaic plural form aatsáan-k ‘they descended’; modern plural forms are natsén-k and atsáan-k (the latter with initial a rather than aa).

4 This interpretation assumes that xáam is composed of ‘axá ‘water’ plus instrumental case marker -m; while the loss of the initial syllable is expected, vowel lengthening is not. Under another interpretation, xáam is composed of xáa ‘different way, different manner, different direction, etc.’ plus instrumental case marker -m, and Xáam Kwaatsáan means ‘those who descended a different way’.

5 Mr. Bryant uses two versions of the name of the Creator, Kukwiimáatt and Kukumáatt, interchangeably.

6 The reader is encouraged to consult the Mojave creation story (one version of which was documented in English by Kroeber 1948, 1972) and that of the Maricopa (one version of which was documented by Spier 1933:345ff). Both of these are clearly related to, yet quite different from, Quechan versions of the creation story.

7 We infer this Homer’s approximate date of birth from Harrington’s (1908:326) statement that Homer was “about forty-five years old” at the time of publication.