© Roger Paulin, CC BY http://dx.doi.org/10.11647/OBP.0069.07
The idea for this biography arose out of a specific situation, the first conference ever devoted to August Wilhelm Schlegel, in Dresden in 2008.1 The relatively late date might suggest decades of neglect of Schlegel’s life and works, an indifference or nescience in the academy and in general cultural consciousness. Despite a corpus of studies extending back well over a century, it is indeed true to say that August Wilhelm Schlegel, unlike his brother Friedrich, has not been in the forefront of German critical awareness and is in great need of a general reappraisal. My own task at the conference was to set out some thoughts on how one approaches writing Schlegel’s life.2 I ended with the question: Who is to do it? My colleagues agreed that I should. This biography is the result.
There has never been a full-scale biography of Schlegel in any language. (The language factor is not irrelevant, for Schlegel wrote in French as well as German and lived for thirteen years in a French-speaking environment.) The first attempt in German so far, Bernhard von Brentano’s short biography (originally 1943) was a popular account that restricted itself to printed sources,3 many of them available since the nineteenth century. There is also an enormous amount of information tucked away in the many editions of his correspondence and lectures, as well as in major monographs on individual aspects of his life and works—Körner on the Vienna Lectures,4 Pange on Madame de Staël,5 Nagavajara on his reputation in France,6 Höltenschmidt on his medieval studies7 are but a few—that open up a wealth of intellectual and historical detail relevant to his life. Yet there is no account that joins up these spheres of activity as one narrative whole.
Perhaps the length of Schlegel’s life (1767-1845) and the breadth of his interests, far from being a stimulus, have deterred potential biographers. It may seem on the face of it hard to define what makes him biography-worthy: there are simply so many sides to his intellectual interests and too many loose ends to his life. ‘I have to admit to myself that I have undertaken a great deal and completed very little’,8 says the man whose works in German take up twelve volumes in the standard edition. But proudly listing his achievements, he nevertheless is justified in calling himself a ‘cosmopolitan of art and poetry’.9 For he is at once poet, dramatist, critic, translator, editor, philosopher, historian, philologist, an ‘érudit’ in the eighteenth century’s sense of the word; and is it symptomatic that a French name seems best suited to sum up his character and achievement. Being a cosmopolitan meant publishing in German, French and Latin;10 his ideal biographer—and I certainly do not claim to fulfil that role—as well as being versed in the classical and Romance languages, should also know Sanskrit.
Might a man with such an extraordinary mind and range not spend his hours closeted with books and papers and have no real life to speak of? There are times when Schlegel seems to fit this description. Not, however, when he is visiting the capitals of Europe or rattling in a chaise across the steppes with Madame de Staël (and her lover), having saved a copy of De l’Allemagne from Napoleon’s censors, or when he joins Marshal Bernadotte’s suite as a political pamphleteer. These are of course high moments, but the circumstances that brought about the works for which he is chiefly remembered today—his translation of Shakespeare, and the Vienna Lectures on Dramatic Art and Literature that were read from ‘Cadiz to Edinburgh, Stockholm and St Petersburg’11—are also the stuff of biography.
The main problem has nevertheless been his reputation in his own country. Despite a renewal of interest in him during the twentieth century and impressive editions of his lectures and correspondence—the initiatives of Josef Körner or Ernst Behler, to mention but two—Schlegel has generally not been well served by his fellow-countrymen. In the German lands, his reputation has never quite recovered from Heinrich Heine’s devastating attack in Die Romantische Schule of 1835; memoirs in the later nineteenth century did him hardly better service. He failed to be enshrined in the national canon, being perceived as having sold his soul to France, the ‘traditional enemy’. In the strident years after 1871, he became a symbol of effeteness, lacking ‘vital forces’; even Brentano’s biography, when speaking of his Shakespeare translation, can only find a ‘feminine capacity for empathy’, not life-giving originality.12
Writing a biography to counter prejudice and neglect is doubtless laudable, but it is not enough. Schlegel himself knew this. In the sole biographical essay from his own pen, a defence of his former mentor Gottfried August Bürger, he wrote that ‘it is a forlorn hope to impute to a human work a higher reputation than it deserves, through keeping silent about its faults’.13 It is a warning against the temptation to compensate for perceived injustices. Schlegel nevertheless believed in preserving a self-image and was ever ready to justify himself. He wrote a total of four autobiographical pieces (two in German, one in French and one in Latin), setting out his credentials, respectively, as a poet,14 as a man of action and political conscience (not merely a sedentary man of letters),15 and a man of mature reflection.16 The modern biographer will not wish to follow implicitly these directives from his biographical subject, but by the same token he will not wish to brush them aside as irrelevant.
The biographer also has the task of seeing his subject in his times. Politically, Schlegel was born in a part of that conglomeration of German states still owing allegiance to a Holy Roman Emperor (he still had the last Emperor’s name on his doctoral diploma from the University of Jena). Growing up in the Hanover of George III, he experienced the last years of this political system, before the French Revolution, the Revolutionary Wars, and the rise of Napoleon destroyed the old order and imposed a new one on Europe. The circumstances of his thirteen-year association with Madame de Staël saw him in the opposite camp to Napoleon, forced with her into exile and a wandering existence. His travels with her took him to France, Switzerland, Italy, Austria, Russia, Sweden and England, all during times of political or military turmoil. The reaction in the German lands after the Restoration of 1815 left him culturally and intellectually oriented to France, despite his being a professor in Prussian service.
A life that extended from the reigns of Frederick the Great, George III and Louis XV in the 1760s to those of Frederick William IV, Victoria and Louis-Philippe in the 1840s involved not just political change and upheaval, but irreversible social and technological revolutions. Much of this was to occupy his two best-known pupils at the University of Bonn, Karl Marx and Heinrich Heine. (Not to be outdone, Schlegel himself wrote an ode in Latin marking the arrival of the first steamboat on the Rhine; in the year before he died, the railway reached Bonn.) He did not see all of this necessarily as progress. Towards the end of his life listing (in no particular order) the ‘achievements’ of the last half-century, he was wryly ambiguous as to their benefits: beet sugar, the free press, gas lighting, centralization, steam engines, lithography, daguerrotypes, metres and hectares, stearin candles, the rights of man, Chartism, socialism, and much else besides.17 He could have added: the July Revolution, the British Empire, the Carlsbad Decrees, the subject of trenchant comment elsewhere. The role of the intellectual, the scholar, the writer was, as he saw it, to preserve some integrity and self-esteem when everything else about him was restless and shifting.
Yet these factors alone do not necessarily warrant a biography. I believe Schlegel to have been an interesting man in his own right and a leading intellectual in his day—not always likeable, but few of his great contemporaries, Goethe or Schiller, Madame de Staël or Heine, would necessarily qualify in those terms. I seek to strip away the accumulation of prejudices that have accompanied his reputation and present him, not as he was (that no biographer can do) but as he might reasonably be seen, with all of his faults and also his virtues. To this end, I make extensive use of a mass of archival material, much of which presents a Schlegel different from the image in printed sources.
This biography identifies the high points of Schlegel’s life, the major influences on it, the places and persons affected by his presence and personality. These are, as I see it, the years in Jena, his Shakespeare translation, the Berlin and Vienna Lectures, and the years as a professor in Bonn. I have devoted over a quarter of my account to his association with Madame de Staël (1804-17), not least because that extraordinary woman said that she could not live without him, but also because Staël studies tend to sideline him in favour of other members of the ‘Groupe de Coppet’. Thus I have drawn on the material afforded by recent Staël scholarship in order to place Schlegel more centrally in the account of her life and works. I regard his Lectures on Dramatic Art and Literature as commensurate with Staël’s De l’Allemagne, part of the recognition of Schlegel’s pivotal role as a representative figure of both German and European Romanticism, sometimes even as the man who held everything together when politics forced so much apart.
An equally long section is devoted to his years as a professor in Bonn, for here Schlegel achieved prominence—fame even—as a Sanskrit scholar, and it is a claim to eminence that in its time could compete with his renown as a translator and as the voice of Romanticism.
I see Schlegel as a professional writer for a large part of his career. His publications did not exist in a vacuum. His dealings with publishers, the sums that they paid, the position of the author in the book trade, the vicissitudes of publishing in Napoleonic Germany and also later: all these are concerns of special interest to the biographer.
Heinrich Heine grievously wronged Schlegel, and the victim has had very little opportunity for redress. I come to his defence against his calumniator-in-chief, endeavouring also to find some sympathy for the man, who without children of his own, showed genuine affection for the young and devoted much time and care to them. He was not only the travelling companion to Madame de Staël but also the tutor to her three children, all of whom have their part in this narrative.
His poetry—today little appreciated—I make use of, not so much for any intrinsic qualities that it may have, but as a accompaniment to the biography, and where I think it has merit, I also quote it.
Finally, a biography of August Wilhelm Schlegel must be in part also the life narrative of his brother Friedrich. The different trajectories of their respective reputations, the greater availability of printed sources for Friedrich, his subsequent advancement to spokesman and representative of German Romanticism, even to being hailed as a father of modern critical theory, mean that August Wilhelm sometimes is apportioned a secondary role. I have tried to give as balanced a narrative as I can of their relationship, its interactions, and its tensions.
A Note on Sources
The textual situation with Schlegel is far from satisfactory. There has been no standard edition of his works since that produced by Eduard Böcking in 1846-48, and it is far from complete. It is, however, the main source from which I cite his poetry, his translations, and his criticism. His lectures, those given in Jena, Berlin, Vienna, and Bonn, are not yet edited in their entirety, and at least three of them I quote from the original manuscripts. Even the great Vienna Lectures on Dramatic Art and Literature have not yet been the subject of a modern critical edition. Schlegel scholars are nevertheless grateful for the three volumes of Berlin Lectures edited in the 1880s by Jakob Minor,18 the Lectures on German Language edited by Josef Körner in 1913,19 the Lectures on Academic Study edited by Frank Jolles in 1971,20 and the three volumes of the Kritische Ausgabe der Vorlesungen (KAV), originally under the aegis of Ernst Behler and subsequently of Georg Braungart, that have appeared so far (1989-2007)21 and of which further volumes are promised shortly.
The Schlegel scholar faces a similar situation in respect of his correspondence. The great scholar-editor Josef Körner produced a two-volume collection of Schlegel’s letters in 193022 which is still a standard tool, followed by the three-volume Krisenjahre der Frühromantik (1936-37, 1958).23 The Kritische Ausgabe of Friedrich Schlegel (1958-, in progress) brings together in a modern edition sources otherwise scattered and not of easy access.24 One is grateful for continuing editorial work on the correspondence, for instance the recent specialized editions of letters produced by Ralf Georg Czapla and Franca Victoria Schankweiler,25 Rosane and Ludo Rocher,26 and Cornelia Bögel,27 which cast light on important aspects of Schlegel’s life and works. Above all, the Digital Edition of Schlegel’s letters, under the aegis of the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft and carried out at the Sächsische Landesbibliothek—Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek in Dresden (SLUB) in collaboration with the Universities of Marburg and Trier, will, when completed, give a complete conspectus and image of Schlegel’s correspondence, as far as it is known.28 Much nevertheless remains unedited, but important tracts of correspondence, Madame de Staël’s letters to Schlegel, for example, and most of his letters to his brother Friedrich, must unfortunately be considered lost.
Schlegel himself threw nothing away. His papers (Nachlass) in the SLUB in Dresden (Mscr. Dresd. e. 90), amounting to 78 sections, contain everything from personal items (such as tailors’ bills) to large unpublished drafts of significant research projects (Nibelungenlied, Provençal) as well as the bulk of his correspondence. Further archival material, from Coppet and relating to the years 1804-12, was purchased by the SLUB in 1998 (Mscr. Dresd. App. 2712). Two specialized (on-line) catalogues itemize these holdings.29 There is also a significant amount of archival material in Bonn University Library. I have made the fullest possible use of this corpus, in both Dresden and Bonn, and elsewhere.
A Note on Money30
Money plays in important part in Schlegel’s life, not least for his being a professional writer and translator for a part of his life. The standard currency in the German lands was the taler, a silver coin, also the coinage in which he was mainly paid. There were 24 groschen to one taler. Publishers also used the gold Friedrichsd’or, worth 5 talers, or the Louisd’or, also worth 5 talers. Other coins in use were the ducat (Dukaten), worth 31/2 talers, or the Carolin, worth 6 talers. In the southern territories and in Austria, the standard currency was the florin or Gulden, worth one half of a taler; there were 60 Kreutzer to one Gulden. During his years with Madame de Staël, Schlegel was paid in Louisd’or or francs. There were 20 francs to the Louis, 20 francs 80 centimes to one Friedrichsd’or and 3 francs to the taler. During his visits to England (1814, 1823, 1832), he was using pounds sterling or guineas (£1.1.0).
Schlegel’s publishers paid him in most of these currencies, never in paper money. Some examples: in the 1790s Cotta (through Schiller) paid 4 Louisd’or per sheet for his contributions to the periodical Die Horen;31 from Unger he received 120 talers per volume for his Shakespeare translation (1797-1810);32 in 1808, Mohr und Zimmer in Heidelberg could offer him 21/2 Carolins per sheet for his famous Lectures on Dramatic Art and Literature (at 24 sheets per volume).33 Reimer paid 40 Friedrichsd’or or 200 talers for the collection called Blumensträuße in 1804.34 In 1828, he agreed with Reimer for 2 Friedrichsd’or per sheet (a total of 1,200 talers) for his Kritische Schriften.35
These sums make no sense in themselves unless related to the cost of living. His brother Friedrich, never provident with money, suggested in 1793 that a single man in Dresden, with meals and a servant, would need 80 talers annually, a married couple 250 talers, to live as a professional writer and in the appropriate style.36 Schiller at the same time is said to have needed 1,400 talers, and that was in provincial Jena. In 1803, it was claimed that a family, with servants, clothing and entertaining, needed at least 2,000 talers per annum to live in Berlin.37 That was the sum that Schlegel received as a professor in Bonn, from 1817 onwards, augmented of course by the pension from the Staël estate. During Madame de Staël’s lifetime, from 1804 to 1817, he had received 10 Carolins or 240 francs monthly.38
By contrast, in 1764, a manual labourer in Dresden earned 4 groschen per day; in 1829-31, it was 6 groschen.39 A bricklayer at the same time earned 6-7 groschen and later 8. The basic annual income for a working-class family in Berlin around 1800 was 200 talers. Preachers and teachers could expect 500 talers. A common soldier’s pay was 24 talers (over and above lodgings and keep). Professors at the newly-founded University of Berlin in 1810 could expect a maximum of 2,500 talers (augmented of course by student fees for lectures). Goethe, as ‘Exzellenz’ and minister of state in Saxe-Weimar had an annual income of 3,000 talers in 1816.40
In Dresden in 1764 a kilo of butter cost 6 groschen (11 groschen in 1829-31), 60 eggs 9 groschen (later, 25 groschen), a bushel of wheat cost 3 talers 4 groschen (later, 4 talers 12 groschen).41These do not differ greatly from prices in Weimar around 1790.42 In Berlin in 1802, one paid 3 talers for the two volumes of Novalis’s works, edited by Friedrich Schlegel and Tieck and published by Reimer (4 talers 12 groschen on better paper). For just a little more money one could also purchase 45 kilos of white bread and 58 of rye bread, or 28 kilos of beef. A luxury item like an umbrella cost 101/2 talers.43 In 1820, a traveller in Ulm paid 1 Gulden 30 Kreuzer for a meal in his rooms, 1 Gulden 12 Kreuzer for a bottle of Neckar wine, 30 Kreuzer for coffee and bread, and 1 Gulden 15 Kreuzer for lodgings.44
For France or French-speaking Switzerland we have records of luxury items purchased by Schlegel. A beaver hat cost him 33 francs,45 four pairs of silk stockings (white) 48 francs, and two in black 30 francs.46 In London in 1832, he paid £1.3.0 for a hat, and £5.17.6 for lodgings from 11-17 March.47 For comparison, a carpenter’s wages were 25/- (£1.5.0) per week, those of bookseller’s apprentices 4/- and knitters’ 5/-. An upper-middle class family would reckon to live on £5 per week (£300 per annum). The two volumes of Schlegel’s Lectures, translated by John Black, cost 21/- (£1.1.0) unbound and 27/- (£1.7.0) bound.48 The subscription price for his Râmâyana edition was £4 for one volume in two parts.49
How well did Schlegel live? Unlike his brother Friedrich, he knew how to combine a comfortable life-style with some necessary economies. He supported his mother (until 1811), Sophie Tieck-Bernhardi (especially around 1804-05) and his brother Friedrich (up to 1818), later various nieces and nephews. As a professor in Bonn, he had his salary and his pension from Madame de Staël, but he had also purchased his own house (for 7,000 talers). In addition, he paid for the production and publication of his three Sanskrit editions, estimating in 1829 that he had spent 5,000 talers, while by 1844 he was talking of 30,000 francs, roughly the equivalent of 10,000 talers.50
1 The proceedings of the conference were published by York-Gothart Mix and Jochen Strobel (eds), Der Europäer August Wilhelm Schlegel. Romantischer Kulturtransfer—romantische Wissenswelten, Quellen und Forschungen 62 (296) (Berlin, New York: de Gruyter, 2010), esp. 1-10.
2 Roger Paulin, ‘August Wilhelm Schlegel: Die Struktur seines Lebens’, ibid., 309-318.
3 Bernhard von Brentano, August Wilhelm Schlegel. Geschichte eines romantischen Geistes (Stuttgart: Cotta, 1943) and subsequently reprinted. See Konrad Feilchenfeldt, ‘Bernhard von Brentanos August Wilhelm Schlegel-Biographie’, Mix/Strobel, 295-307. An American master’s thesis covers essentially the same material as Brentano (i.e. no unpublished sources). Effi Irmingard Kosin, ‘Vorstudie zu einer Biographie von August Wilhelm Schlegel’, M.A. thesis Stanford University 1965.
4 Josef Körner, Die Botschaft der deutschen Romantik an Europa, Schriften zur deutschen Literatur für die Görresgesellschaft, 9 (Augsburg: Filser, 1929).
5 Comtesse Jean de Pange, née Broglie, Auguste-Guillaume Schlegel et Madame de Staël. D’après des documents inédits, doctoral thesis University of Paris (Paris: Albert, 1938).
6 Chetana Nagavajara, August Wilhelm Schlegel in Frankreich. Sein Anteil an der französischen Literaturkritik 1807-1835, intr. Kurt Wais, Forschungsprobleme der vergleichenden Literaturgeschichte, 3 (Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1966).
7 Edith Höltenschmidt, Die Mittelalter-Rezeption der Brüder Schlegel (Paderborn, etc.: Schöningh, 2000).
8 ‘Je dois m’avouer à moi-même que j’ai beaucoup entrepris, et achevé peu de chose’. Oeuvres de M. Auguste-Guillaume de Schlegel écrites en français, ed. Édouard Böcking, 3 vols (Leipzig: Weidmann, 1846), I, 10.
9 ‘Kosmopolit der Kunst und Poesie/Verkündigt’ ich in allen Formen sie’. August Wilhelm Schlegel, Sämmtliche Werke [SW], ed. Eduard Böcking, 12 vols (Leipzig: Weidmann, 1846-47), III, 3.
10 Opuscula quae Augustus Guilelmus Schlegelius Latine scripta reliquit, ed. Eduardus Böcking (Lipsiae: Weidmann, 1848).
11 SW, VII, 285.
12 Sources set out in Paulin, ‘Struktur’, 312f.
13 August Wilhelm Schlegel, ‘Bürger. 1800’, SW, VIII, 64-139, ref. 73.
14 [Sketch of a Biography]. (undated). Cornelia Bögel, ‘Fragment einer unbekannten autobiographischen Skizze aus dem Nachlass August Wilhelm Schlegels’, Athenäum, 22 (2012), 165-180.
15 ‘Oratio cum magistratum academicum die XVIII. Octobris anni MDCCCXXIV. deponeret habita’, Opuscula, 385-392; ‘Berichtigung einiger Mißdeutungen’, SW, VIII, 239-258.
16 ‘Fragments extraits du porte-feuille d’un solitaire contemplatif’, Oeuvres, I, 189-194.
17 ‘Formule d’abjuration’, Oeuvres, I, 83.
18 August Wilhelm Schlegel, Vorlesungen über schöne Litteratur und Kunst, ed. Jakob Minor, Deutsche Litteraturdenkmale des 18. und 19. Jahrhunderts, 17-19 (Heilbronn: Henninger, 1884).
19 August Wilhelm Schlegel, Geschichte der Deutschen Sprache und Poesie. Vorlesungen, gehalten an der Universität Bonn seit dem Wintersemester 1818/19, ed. Josef Körner, Deutsche Literaturdenkmale des 18. und 19. Jahrhunderts, 147 (Berlin: Behr, 1913).
20 August Wilhelm Schlegel, Vorlesungen über das akademische Studium, ed. Frank Jolles, Bonner Vorlesungen, 1 (Heidelberg: Stiehm, 1971).
21 August Wilhelm Schlegel, Vorlesungen über Ästhetik I (1798-1803), ed. Ernst Behler, Kritische Ausgabe der Vorlesungen [KAV], I (Paderborn, etc.: Schöningh, 1989); Vorlesungen über Encyklopädie [1803], ed. Frank Jolles and Edith Höltenschmidt, KAV, III (ibid., 2006); Vorlesungen über Ästhetik II, i, ed. Ernst Behler, then Georg Braungart, KAV, II, i (ibid., 2007).
22 Briefe von und an August Wilhelm Schlegel, ed. Josef Körner [Briefe], 2 vols (Zurich, Leipzig, Vienna: Amalthea, 1930).
23 Krisenjahre der Frühromantik. Briefe aus dem Schlegelkreis, ed. Josef Körner [Krisenjahre], 3 vols (Brno, Vienna, Leipzig: Rohrer, 1936-37; Berne: Francke, 1958).
24 Kritische Friedrich-Schlegel-Ausgabe, ed. Ernst Behler et al., 30 vols [KA] (Paderborn, Munich, Vienna: Schöningh; Zurich: Thomas, 1958- in progress).
25 ‘Meine liebe Marie’ — ‘Werthester Herr Professor’. Der Briefwechsel zwischen August Wilhelm von Schlegel und seiner Bonner Haushälterin Maria Löbel. Historisch-kritische Ausgabe, ed. Ralf Georg Czapla and Franca Victoria Schankweiler (Bonn: Bernstein, 2012).
26 Founders of Western Indology. August Wilhelm von Schlegel and Henry Thomas Colebrooke in Correspondence 1820-1837, ed. Rosane Rocher and Ludo Rocher, Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, 84 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2013).
27 Cornelia Bögel, ‘Geliebter Freund und Bruder’. Der Briefwechsel zwischen Christian Friedrich Tieck und August Wilhelm Schlegel in den Jahren 1804 bis 1811, Tieck Studien 1 (Dresden, Thelem, 2015).
28 Jochen Strobel, ‘Eine digitale Edition der Korrespondenzen August Wihelm Schlegels’, Athenäum, 22 (2012), 145-151.
29 Rekonstruierter Spezialkatalog (Inhaltskonspekte der 78 Gruppen) des Nachlasses von August Wilhelm v. Schlegel, ed. Helmut Deckert (Sächsische Landesbibliothek, 1981); August Wilhelm Schlegel, Spezialkatalog zum schriftlichen Nachlass, ed. Perk Loesch (SLUB Dresden, 2000); see Perk Loesch, ‘Der Nachlass August Wilhelm Schlegels in der Handschriftensammlung der Sächsischen Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Dresden’, in: Ludger Syré (ed.), Dichternachlässe. Literarische Sammlungen und Archive in den Regionalbibliotheken von Deutschland, Österreich und der Schweiz (Frankfurt am Main: Klostermann, 2009), 183-193.
30 Useful guides to currency and prices may be found in W. H. Bruford, Germany in the Eighteenth Century: The Social Background of the Literary Revival (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1935), 329-332 (Bruford converts the sums of the late 18th century into the sterling equivalents of 1935); Bernd Sprenger, Das Geld der Deutschen. Geldgeschichte Deutschlands von den Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart (Paderborn, etc.: Schöningh, 1991).
31 Caroline. Briefe aus der Frühromantik. Nach Georg Waitz vermehrt hg. von Erich Schmidt, 2 vols (Leipzig: Insel, 1913), I, 419.
32 Krisenjahre, I, 89.
33 August Wilhelm Schlegels Briefwechsel mit seinen Heidelberger Verlegern, ed. Erich Jenisch (Heidelberg: Winter, 1922), 23, 38.
34 Doris Reimer, Passion & Kalkül. Der Verleger Georg Andreas Reimer (1776-1842) (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1999), 278.
35 Ibid., 294.
36 KA, XXIII, 198.
37 Reimer, 31.
38 Krisenjahre, I, 88, 183; III, 68.
39 Sprenger, 150, 161.
40 These figures in Reimer, 29f.
41 Sprenger, 150, 161.
42 Bruford, 329-332.
43 Reimer, 30f.
44 Bill pasted into a copy of [Heinrich August Ottokar Reichard], Guide des voyageurs en Allemagne, en Hongrie at à Constantinople (Weimar: Bureau d’Industrie, 1817), Trinity College U. 8. 90.
45 SLUB Dresden, Mscr. Dresd. App. 2712, B31, 36.
46 Ibid., B31, 61.
47 Mscr. Dresd. e. 90. II, 51.
48 This information in William St Clair, The Reading Nation in the Romantic Period (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2004), 194-196.
49 Advertisement to Râmâyana, id est carmen epicum […], issued by Treuttel & Würtz in London and dated ‘London, November, 1823’, 7.
50 Briefe, I, 612f.