Remarks on Selected Exponents of the 208-Swadesh List in Ṭuroyo

Eugene Barsky and Yulia Furman

© Eugene Barsky and Yulia Furman, CC BY 4.0 https://doi.org/10.11647/OBP.0209.12

Introduction

The present paper is a supplement to the 208-Swadesh list for Ṭuroyo published in Barsky, Furman and Loesov (2018).1 It discusses the following selected exponents of the list that were not included in the original publication: bird, head, husband, man (male), man (human being), sun, wife and woman.

The lexical study is based on fieldwork conducted in Berlin and Gütersloh among the Ṭuroyo-speaking community (August 2016). Another source of our data is the published field corpus of Ṭuroyo, which mainly consists of the texts of H. Ritter (Ritter 1967, 1969 and 1971) and E. Prym and A. Socin (PrS).

The texts from the three Ritter volumes (Ritter 1967, 1969, 1971) will be cited by the number of text and sentence along with the speaker’s place of origin, e.g. 61:9, Kfarze. The texts from the Prym-Socin collection, which originate from one Midyat speaker, will be cited by page number and line, e.g. 21/3. The concepts of the Swadesh list will be given in small capitals, e.g. woman, fat.

1. Bird

In Ṭuroyo, there are two main lexemes for the notion bird: safruno (RW 450) and ṭayro (RW 531), both in the published corpus and the data from our fieldwork.

Basically, safruno means small bird, but it can also be used as a generic term for bird and as the name of a particular species: sparrow.

Some of our informants use safruno in neutral contexts:

(1)

kito ġắlabe šəklat d-safrune bu=aṯrayḏan

kito

ġắlabe

šəklat

d-safrune

b-u=aṯr-ayḏan

exist

many

species

of-birds

in-art.ms=land-possII.1pl

‘There are many bird species in our land.’ (Mzizaḥ)

See also the following examples from the corpus:

(2)

gzobaṭle safruno mede aw ṭayrək mede b-lebe

g-zobaṭ-le

safruno

mede

aw

ṭayrək

prs-catch.ipfv2-3ms-dat.3ms

bird

some

or

birdie

mede

b-leb-e

some

in-heart-possI.3ms

‘He thinks of a bird or a birdie.’ (94:436, ʿIwardo)

The passage describes a game in which a participant thinks of a bird name and others are supposed to guess it. Later in the story, one of the participants reveals the name of the bird he thought of: flān safruno-yo ‘This is a certain bird’ (94:440, ʿIwardo). It is clear that safruno is used here as a general term for bird.

In the same text, safruno appears in a list of birds inhabiting Ṭur-ʿAbdin and denotes sparrow:

(3)

af=fərḥoṯe, d-kofayri-ste, hani-ne: (…) safrune

af=fərḥoṯe

d-ko-fayr-i-ste

hani-ne

safrune

art.pl=birds

rel-prs-fly.ipfv-3pl-too

these-cop.3pl

sparrows

‘Flying birds are as follows: (…) sparrows.’ (94:223, ʿIwardo)

It should be noted that the word fərḥoṯe is employed here as a generic term for bird, which is not found anywhere else in the searchable corpus. It must be an adapted borrowing from Classical Syriac, which goes back to pāraḥtā ‘bird’ (SL 1236).

On the other hand, ṭayro means big bird, which can also be employed as a general term for bird and the name of a particular species: eagle. Consider the following examples for the meaning bird, both cited by our informants and found in the corpus:

(4)

kit tamo ṭayro, bas mən ṭayro-yo, lə=kfəraqno u=ǧəns d-kətle

kīt

tamo

ṭayro

bas

mən

ṭayro-yo

exist

there

bird

but

what

bird-cop.3s

lə=k-fəraq-no

u=ǧəns

neg=prs-distinguish.ipfv-1ms

art.ms=sort

d-

kət

le

rel

exist

dat.3ms

‘There is a bird there, but I cannot distinguish what kind of bird this is.’ (Midyat)

(5)

skandar yaləf b-lišone daḥ=ḥăyewən w daṭ=ṭayre-stine

skandar

yaləf

b-lišon-e

d-aḥ=ḥăyewən

pn

learn.pret.3ms

in-language-ez

of-art.pl=animals

w

d-aṭ=ṭayre-stine

and

of-art.pl=birds-too

‘Skandar learned the language of animals and birds.’ (60:10, Kfarze)

Ṭayro may also refer to eagle. Some of our informants translated ‘Which kind of bird is this one? This is an eagle’ as

(6)

mən šəkəl ṭayro/safruno-yo hano? hano ṭayro-yo (Arkaḥ/Mzizaḥ)

mən

šəkəl

ṭayro

safruno-yo

hano

hano

ṭayro-yo

what

kind

bird

bird-cop.3s

this.m

this.m

eagle-cop.3s

‘Which kind of bird is this one? This is an eagle.’

It is not clear why Ṭuroyo speakers (i.e. our informants and the informants for the corpus) choose ṭayro or safruno for denoting bird in neutral contexts. Both words can be used in the same situation regardless of the speaker’s origin. Nonetheless, safruno occurs more frequently in the speech of our informants. In the corpus, occurrences of ṭayro and safruno with the meaning of bird are only sporadic and occur roughly with the same frequency.

A comparable picture can be observed in Soqotri, a Modern South Arabian language, where two terms for bird exist: nóyhər and əṣféro. The former denotes ‘a generic small bird’ and the latter ‘a generic big bird.’ These words, however, can also be used synonymously. Furthermore, in the speech of L. Kogan’s informants, nóyhər denotes a generic bird, while əṣféro means a certain bird species, namely sparrow (Kogan 2015,489). The semantic development of the term nóyhər is similar to that of ṭayro: nóyhər goes back to Proto-West Semitic *našr- ‘eagle’; ṭayro goes back to Middle Eastern Aramaic (MEA)3 ṭayrā ‘bird, raptor’.

2. Head

According to the data of the published corpus and according to our informants, qarʿo (RW 399) is the main word for head in Ṭuroyo, whether of human beings or animals. Contrary to our expectations, rišo (RW 443) and qarʿo are rarely synonyms. Only one speaker from Midən and one from Bsorino employ rišo alongside qarʿo. In the corpus, however, a competition between the two words is observed in the texts from Midən, where qarʿo and rišo occur in the speech of the same speakers with equal frequency:

(7)

grəšle u=sayfo, qṭəʿle qarʿe

grəš-le

u=sayfo

qṭəʿ-le

pull.pret-3ms

art.ms=sword

cut_off.pret-3ms

qarʿ-e

head-possI.3ms

‘He unsheathed the sword and cut his head off.’ (74:159, Midən)

(8)

d-qoyəm ... gqoṭəʿ riše!

d-qoyəm

g-qoṭəʿ

if-stand_up.ipfv.3ms

fut-cut_off.ipfv.3ms

riš-e

head-possI.3ms

‘Had he got up, (the emir) would have cut his head off!’ (74:89, Midən)

(9)

i=kurke gməḥyo ruḥa bayne qarʿe di=kurfayo

i=kurke

g-məḥy-o

ruḥ-a

art.fs= sitting_hen

prs-throw.ipfv-3fs

refl-possI.3fs

bayne

qarʿ-e

d-i=kurf-ayo

between

head-ez

of-art.fs=snake-that.f

‘The sitting hen threw itself directly on the head of this snake.’ (JL 13.11.9, Midən)

(10)

riša xud-i=kaffe d-iḏi rabo paṯyo

riš-a

xud-i=kaffe

d-iḏ-i

rab-o

head-possI.3fs

like-art.fs=palm

of-hand-possI.1s

big-ms

paṯy-o

wide-ms

Its (= the snake’s) head was as big and wide as the palm of my hand.’ (JL 13.11.7, Midən).

In published material other than the Midən texts, qarʿo occurs much more often than rišo as the exponent of head. The word rišo, however, is still occasionally used alongside qarʿo. The word may occur in the stories told by the same informant. When rišo does appear, what motivates the speaker to use this less frequent variant is unclear to us. Consider the following examples below:

(11)

kul naqqa koḥoyər bi=qaqwoniṯo komər: “ma hawxa-yo?” hiya kohayzo qarʿa w kəmmo: “e!”

kul

naqqa

ko-ḥoyər

b-i=qaqwoniṯo

every

time

prs-look.ipfv.3ms

on-art.fs=partridge

k-omər

ma

hawxa-yo

hiya

ko-hayz-o

prs-say.ipfv.3ms

q

so-cop.3s

she

prs-shake.ipfv-3fs

qarʿ-a

w

k-əmm-o

e

head-possI.3fs

and

prs-say.ipfv-3fs

yes

‘Each time he looked at the partridge and said: “Is this so?”, she nodded and said: “It is!” (52:84, ʿIwardo)

(12)

“hawxa-yo lo?” həzla riša: “e!”

hawxa-yo

lo

həz-la

riš-a

e

so-cop.3s

no

shake.pret-3fs

head-possI.3fs

yes

“This is so, is it not?” She nodded: “It is!” (52:108, ʿIwardo)

(13)

hedi hedi hazwo qarʿe laq-qəddam w laxalf

hedi

hedi

haz-wo

qarʿ-e

slowly

slowly

shake.ipfv.3ms-pst

head-possI.3ms

laq-qəddam

w

laxalf

forth

and

back

‘He was shaking his head slowly back and forth.’ (11:231, Midyat)

(14)

harke ḥa, ayko d-maʿle riše, knəflo ʿayne ʿal ʿito

harke

ḥa

ayko d

maʿle

riš-e

here

one.m

where

lift.ipfv.3ms

head-possI.3ms

k-nəfl-o

ʿayn-e

ʿal

ʿito

prs-fall.ipfv-3fs

eye-possI.3ms

on

church

‘Here, wherever one lifts his head, his eyes fall on a church.’ (11:74, Midyat)

It seems that rišo made way for qarʿo in the sense of head and its usage shifted to the field of derived meanings and set expressions such as the following:

(15)

‘top’:

saləq l-riše du=ṭuro

saləq

l-riš-e

d-u=ṭuro

climb.pret.3ms

to-head-possI.3ms

of-art.ms=mountain

‘He climbed to the top of the mountain.’ (115:89, Midən)

(16)

‘tip, point’:

mḥalle reše du=sayfo b-ʿayne

mḥa-lle

reš-e

d-u=sayfo

b-ʿayn-e

throw.pret-3pl

head-ez

of-art.ms=sword

into-eye-possI.3ms

‘They thrusted the tip of the sword into his eye.’ (70:265, Iḥwo)

(17)

‘end’:

i=naqqa d-naḥət reše du=ḥawlo l-gabe, saləq bu=ḥawlo lalʿəl

i=naqqa d

naḥət

reš-e

d-u= ḥawlo

when

go_down.pret.3ms

head-ez

of-art.ms=rope

l-gab-e

saləq

b-u=ḥawlo

lalʿəl

to-side-possI.3ms

go_up.pret.3ms

with-art.ms=rope

up

‘As soon as the end of the rope was near him, he climbed up the rope.’ (69:222, Iḥwo)

(18)

‘leader, chief’:

qrele lu=rišo dax=xodume, d-kətne gabe

qre-le

l-u=rišo

d-ax=xodume

call.pret-3ms

to-art.ms=head

of-art.pl=servants

d-kət-ne

gab-e

rel-cop-3pl

side-possI.3ms

‘He called the head of the servants that were with him.’ (81:55, Midən)

(19)

a directional preposition ‘towards’:

a.

azzé u=faqirawo l-reše du=təǧǧar

azzé

u=faqir-awo

l-reš-e

go.pret.3ms

art.ms=poor-that.m

to-head-ez

d-u=təǧǧār

of-art.ms=merchant

‘The poor went to the merchant.’ (108:44, Xarabe Məška)

b.

u=babayḏe … ḥakəm-wa. hule xabro, lat=təxetər kulle. latimi ʿal riše w səmme u=zʿurano ʿamaliye

u=bab-ayḏe

ḥakəm-wa

hu-le

art.ms=father-possII.3ms

ruler-cop.pst.3s

give.pret-3ms

xabro

l-at=təxetər

kul-le

latim-i

ʿal

word

to-art.pl=doctors

all-3pl

gather.pret-3pl

on

riš-e

w

səm-me

u=zʿur-ano

ʿamaliye

head-possI.3ms

and

do.pret-3pl

art.ms=boy-this.m

surgery

‘The father [of this boy] was a ruler. He called all the doctors. They gathered to him and performed a surgery on this boy.’ (60:244, Kfarze)

(20)

in a number of set expressions,4 e.g.

a.

mi=saye d-aloho, d-reše d-babayna w du=šulṭono, mede lo=fayəš bi=arʿo, d-l=axilan

m-i=saye

d-aloho

d-reš-e

d-bab-ayna

from-art.fs=shadow

of-god

of-head-ez

of-father-possI.1pl

w

d-u=šulṭono

mede

and

of-art.ms=sultan

something

lo=fayəš

b-i=arʿo

d-l=axi-lan

neg=remain.pret.3ms

in-art.fs=land

rel-neg=eat.pret-1pl

‘[I swear] by the shadow of God, by our father’s head and by the sultan’s [head], nothing is left in the land that we would not have eaten.’ (105:47, Sedari)

b.

zux li=briṯayo, mḥay rišo b-emi, babi w tux!

zux

l-i=briṯ-ayo

mḥay

rišo

go.imp.ms

to-art.fs=world-that.f

strike.imp.s

head

b-em-i

bab-i

w

tux

in-mother-possI.1s

father-possI.1s

and

come.imp.ms

‘Go to that world, visit (lit. strike the head on) my mother and my father and come back!’ (58:118, Anḥil)

3. Man (male) and Husband

Both man (male) and husband can be rendered by gawro (RW 171) and zlām (RW 587). Apparently, gawro was the main term for both man (male) and husband at the time when H. Ritter was collecting his texts. In the speech of our informants, however, zlām conveys these meanings, except in the dialects of Midyat and Arkaḥ, where gawro is still in use.

In the corpus (1960s) gawro is the main term both for man (male) and husband, irrespective of the variety.

The core meaning of zlām in the published texts is man (person), but the word happens to denote man (male) and husband in a couple of passages:

(21)

ádyawma ono, d-kətno barṯo, d-kətno ḥurma, hat d-kəttat zlām, d-kəttat gawro, l-mə gdoṯat l-gabi?

ádyawma

ono

d-kət-no

barṯo

d-kət-no

ḥurma

today

I

rel-cop-1s

girl

rel-cop-1s

woman

hat

d-kətt-at

zlām

d-kətt-at

gawro

you

rel-cop-2s

man

rel-cop-2s

man

l-mə

gd-oṯ-at

l-gab-i

why

fut-come.ipfv-2s

to-side-possI.1s

‘I am a girl, an [unmarried] woman, and you are a man, a male, why have you come to me today?’ (105:98, Sedari)

(22)

i=naqqa d-huwwe i=bəšra li=emo, li=emo mbašalla u=babo: “ádyawma u=zlamayḏi ǧġil!”

i=naqqa d

huw-we

i=bəšra

when

give.pret-3pl

art.fs=good_news

l-i=emo

l-i=emo

mbašal-la

to-art.fs=mother

a-art.fs=mother

report.pret-3fs

u=babo

ádyawma

u=zlam-ayḏi

art.ms=father

today

art.ms=husband-possII.1s

ǧġīl

speak.pret.3ms

‘After they had given the mother the good news, she reported it to her father: “Today my husband has begun to speak!” (111:44, Xarabe Məška).

In the searchable corpus, gawro husband has 143 tokens, while gawro man (male) is represented by 37 tokens (the total number of gawro tokens including the meanings man (male), husband as well as other meanings such as ‘a man’s man’, ‘hero’, etc. is 306). Zlām has 11 entries for husband and 17 for man (male), while the total number of zlām entries including the aforementioned meanings is 716. This is represented in the Table 1:

Table 1: The meanings of gawro and zlām

husband

man

Total tokens

gawro

143

37

306

zlām

11

17

716

By contrast, zlām is the most frequent word for man (male) and husband used by our informants from Midən, Kfarze, Bsorino and Zaz. Midyat and Arkaḥ speakers employ only gawro, while a speaker from Mzizaḥ uses both words. Consider the following examples:

(23)

u=zlamayḏi taxtor-yo (Midən) vs. u=gawrayḏi doqtor-yo (Midyat)

u=zlam-ayḏi

taxtōr-yo

art.ms= husband-possII.1s

doctor-cop.3s

u=gawr-ayḏi

doqtōr-yo

art.ms= husband-possII.1s

doctor-cop.3s

My husband is a doctor.’

(24)

l-aloho xləqle zlām (gawro) w pire

l-aloho

xləq-le

zlām

(gawro)

w

pire

a-god

create.pret-3ms

man

man

and

woman

‘God created man and woman.’ (Mzizaḥ)

(25)

ḥamši=gawre w əšti=niše koʿayši bi=qriṯayḏan

ḥamši=gawre

w

əšti=niše

fifty=men

and

sixty=women

ko-ʿayš-i

b-i=qriṯ-ayḏan

prs-live.ipfv-3pl

in-art.fs=village-possII.1pl

‘Fifty men and sixty women live in our village.’ (Arkaḥ)

4. Man (Human Being)

The basic exponents of mankind as a human being, regardless of sex, are ənsān (RW 252) and nošo (RW 369).

In the searchable corpus, the main term is ənsān: we have found 80 tokens of ənsān meaning human being vs. only nine instances of nošo with the same sense.5 See the following examples:

(26)

uno ḥakimo-no, kul kewo, kul ʿəlle, d-howe lu=ənsan, uno kibi manəḥnola

uno

ḥakimo-no

kul

kewo

kul

ʿəlle

I

physician-cop.1s

every

illness

every

sickness

d-howe

l-u=ənsān

uno

kib-i

rel-be.ipfv.3ms

to-art.ms= human

I

can-1s

manə́ḥ-no-la

cure.ipfv-1ms-3fs.p

‘I am a physician, I can cure any human illness and sickness.’ (24:65, Midyat)

(27)

hano latyo nošo, əlla hano kšobəh, d-kətyo malaxo m d-aloho w qadišo

hano

latyo

nošo

əlla

hano

k-šobəh

this.m

neg.cop.3s

human

but

this.m

prs-be_like.ipfv.3ms

d-kət-yo

malaxo

m

d-aloho

w

qadišo

that-cop-3s

angel

from

of-god

and

saint

‘He is not a human, but he looks like a holy angel of God.’ (35:47, ʿIwardo)

In the contemporary usage of Ṭuroyo speakers, nošo is gaining ground as an exponent of man (human being). Some speakers use exclusively nošo in this meaning, some employ both words and some still use ənsān.

Note that noše may be used as a plural of ənsān, alongside ənsanat. Thus a speaker who invariably uses ənsān for human being employs noše as its plural:

(28)

u=ənsan d-lo maye laybe ʿoyəš

u=ənsān

d-lo

maye

layb-e

ʿoyəš

art.ms=human

without

water

neg.can-3ms

live.ipfv.3ms

Man cannot live without water.’ (Midyat)

(29)

an=noše kibən məǧġoli, aḥ=ḥayewən laybən məǧġoli

an=noše

kib-ən

məǧġol-i

art.pl=people

can-3pl

speak.ipfv-3pl

aḥ=ḥăyewən

layb-ən

məǧġol-i

art.pl=animals

neg.can-3pl

speak.ipfv-3pl

People can speak, but animals cannot.’ (Midyat)

5. Sun

The concept sun has two exponents in the language, the inherited šəmšo (RW 496) and an innovative one that also means day, yawmo (RW 575). They are attested in the corpus conveying two different meanings: šəmšo is the source of warmth and sunshine, while yawmo is the source of daylight.

The basic meaning of the Ṭuroyo word yawmo is day. In addition yawmo is used in published texts in connection with the sun’s movement across the sky, i.e. sunset and sunrise. In other words, yawmo denotes sun as a moving celestial body, which is responsible for alternation of day and night. It is, therefore, closely associated with the idea of daytime. In this meaning, yawmo occurs only within the following collocations:

5.1. Verbs

(30)

ʿly ‘to go up’:

u=yawmo

ʿali

art.ms=sun

rise.pret.3ms

‘The sun rose.’ (8:4; 28:105)

(31)

gny ‘to set (about sun)’:

gani

yawmo

set.pret.3ms

sun

‘The sun set.’ (28:103; 65:451; 88:80; 90:24, 34)

(32)

nfq ‘to go out’:

awwəl d

nofəq

u=yawmo

as soon as

go_out.ipfv.3ms

art.ms=sun

‘As soon as the sun rose.’ (29:349; 58:201)

(33)

qlb ‘to roll over’:

qaləb

u=yawmo

roll_over.pret.3ms

art.ms=sun

The sun set.’ (8:13)

(34)

slq ‘to ascend’:

ko-saləq

u=yawmo

prs-ascend.pret.3ms

art.ms=sun

‘The sun is going to rise.’ (LB 251)

(35)

ṭwʿ ‘to sink’:

ṭawəʿ

u=yawmo

set.pret.3ms

art.ms=sun

‘The sun set’ (61:149; 62:273; 69:407, 525; 89:34, 35, 36; 97:64; 98:44; 102:47, 48; 112:12, 78)

Consider a few examples:

(36)

mḥawrable me ṣafrayto, hul ṭawəʿ u=yawmo

mḥawrab-le

me

ṣafrayto

hul

fight.pret-3ms

from

morning

till

ṭawəʿ

u=yawmo

set.pret.3ms

art.ms=sun

‘He was fighting from morning till sunset.’ (98:44, Arkaḥ)

(37)

gani u=yawmo, l=aṯyo i=tərto

gani

u=yawmo

l=aṯy-o

set.pret.3ms

art.ms=sun

neg=come.pret-3fs

i=tərto

art.fs=cow

The sun set, but the cow had not yet come.’ (90:24, unknown)

5.2. Nouns

(38)

gneto/gnayto:

gnete/gnayte d-yawmo ‘sunset’ (11:51; 65:299)

(39)

ġyoṭo:

ġyoṭe d-yawmo ‘sunset’ (LB 75)

(40)

sloqo:

sloqe d-yawmo ‘sunrise’ (73:353)

(41)

ṭwoʿo/twaḥto:

ṭwoʿe/twaḥte d-yawmo ‘sunset’ (11:171; 29:274; 58:201; 63:15; 69:31, 148, 407, 487, 519, 522, 524; 91:8; 23; 96:136, 157; 113:83)

Cardinal points can be expressed with yawmo-collocations as well:

(42)

‘east’:

nfəqte d-yawmo (11:22, 24; 26:145; 61:241; 91:53; 92:10);

sloqe d-yawmo (74:49; 75:53, 54; 115:1, 162)

(43)

‘west’:

ṭwoʿe/twaḥte d-yawmo (61:241; 92:12);

gnete d-yawmo (26:145);

ġyoṭe d-yawmo (73:240; 75:53; 78:190)

5.3. From Day to Sun

We must admit that the semantic boundary between the concepts of day and sun as a source of daylight is very blurred. Yawmo in all the examples above can also be interpreted as ‘day, daylight’ in a metaphorical sense.

The only case where the features of šəmšo, i.e. the sunshine, are attributed to yawmo is an expression used for describing the outstanding beauty of a human being.

(44)

kətle ḥḏo barṯo bəlḥuḏe. kəmmo lu=yawmo: “taxər d-ubono šawq ʿal i=mamlake m-darbux!”

kət-le

ḥḏo

barṯo

bəlḥuḏe

exist-dat.3ms

one.f

daughter

alone

k-əmm-o

l-u=yawmo

taxə́r

prs-say.ipfv-3fs

to-art.ms=sun

mover_over.imp.s

d-ub-o-no

šawq

ʿal

i=mamlake

that-give.ipfv-f-1s

sunshine

over

art.fs= country

m-darb-ux

in_place-possI.2ms

‘He had only one daughter. [She was so beautiful that she could] tell the sun: “Move over so that I can give sunshine to the country in place of you!”’ (28:71, Midyat)

(45)

kale xort, ʿumre arbaḥṣar=əšne, hama, komalle lu=yawmo: “nḥat, d-oṯeno l-dukṯux!”

kal-e

xōrt

ʿumr-e

arbaḥṣar=əšne

pres-3ms

boy

life-possI.3ms

fourteen=years

hama

ko-mal-le

l-u=yawmo

dm

prs-say.ipfv.3ms-dat.3ms

to-art.ms=sun

nḥat

d-oṯe-no

l-dukṯ-ux

descend.imp.s

that-come.ipfv-1ms

to-place-possI.2ms

‘There was a boy of fourteen years old, [he was so handsome that he could] tell the sun: “Come down so that I can occupy your place!”’ (95:87, Xarabe Kafre).

As for šəmšo, it conveys the sense of ‘the source of warmth and sunshine’:

(46)

yawmo d-qayṭo-yo, hawa basəmto-yo. i=šəmšo kmabrqo w kobo šḥanṯo l-hawír

yawmo

d-qayṭo-yo

hawa

basəm-to-yo

day

of-summer-cop.3s

weather

pleasant-fs-cop.3s

i=šəmšo

k-mabrq-o

w

k-ob-o

art.fs=sun

prs-shine.infect-3fs

and

prs-give.ipfv-3fs

šḥanṯo

l-hawīr

warmth

to-around

‘It is a summer day. The weather is pleasant. The sun shines and heats up the air.’ (4:11, Midyat)

(47)

u=sawko kəmḥafəḏ̣ u=qarʿo mi=šəmšo, mu=maṭro w šmənto maḏ̣=ḏ̣arbat w mu=ǧroḥo

u=sawko

kə-mḥafəḏ̣

u=qarʿo

art.ms=hair

prs-protect.ipfv.3ms

art.ms=head

m-i=šəmšo

m-u=maṭro

w

šmənto

from-art.fs=sun

from-art.ms=rain

and

little

m-aḏ̣=ḏ̣arbat

w

m-u=ǧroḥo

from-art.pl=blows

and

from-art.ms=injury

‘The hair protects the head from the sun, the rain and, to some extent, from blows and injury.’ (3:5, Midyat)

Moreover, šəmšo by itself can mean ‘shine’, e.g., in i=šəmšo du=ṣahro ‘the shining of the moon’ (115:128, Midən; JL 7:7:9, Midən).

These two components of the sun concept are in complementary distribution in the published texts: šəmšo is never used in the collocations associated with yawmo; yawmo almost never means ‘the warmth and the shining of the sun’ (except for the set expression mentioned above).

As for the answers from our informants, the usage varies. The word šəmšo can be used in the yawmo-collocations and, moreover, yawmo can mean a celestial body. Consider their translations of the following sentences:

(48)

The sun set, but the cow had not yet come home.’

gani yawmo w heš tərto lə=maḥwela (Midyat)

gani

yawmo

w

hēš

tərto

set.pret.3ms

sun

and

yet

cow

lə=maḥwe-la

neg=appear.pret-3fs

ṭawəʿ u=yawmo i=tərto heš lo=daʿiro lu=bayto (Midyat)

ṭawəʿ

u=yawmo

i=tərto

hēš

set.pret.3ms

art.ms=sun

art.fs=cow

yet

lo=daʿir-o

l-u=bayto

neg=return.pret-3fs

to-art.ms=house

u=yawmo ṭawəʿ elo i=tərto he lo=daʿiro lu=bayto (Mzizaḥ)

u=yawmo

ṭawəʿ

elo

i=tərto

he

art.ms=sun

set.pret.3ms

but

art.fs=cow

yet

lo=daʿir-o

l-u=bayto

neg=return.pret-3fs

to-art.ms=house

i=šəmšo ṭawiʿo bas i-tərto l=aṯyo lu=bayto (Arkaḥ)

i=šəmšo

ṭawiʿ-o

bas

i=tərto

art.fs=sun

set.pret-3fs

but

art.fs=cow

l=aṯy-o

l-u=bayto

neg=come.pret-3fs

to-art.ms=house

(49)

The sun rose.’

w saləq yawmo (Midyat)

w

saləq

yawmo

and

ascend.pret.3ms

sun

nafiqo i=šəmšo (Midyat)

nafiq-o

i=šəmšo

go_out.pret-3fs

art.fs=sun

u=yawmo nafəq=ste (Mzizaḥ)

u=yawmo

nafəq-ste

art.ms=sun

go_out.pret.3ms-too

i=šəmšo saliqo (Arkaḥ)

i=šəmšo

saliq-o

art.fs=sun

ascend.pret-3fs

(50)

The Sun is one of the stars.’

i=šəmšo-ste kəkwo mak=kəkwe di=šmayo-yo (Midyat)

i=šəmšo-ste

kəkwo

m-ak=kəkwe

art.fs=sun-too

star

from-art.pl=stars

d-i=šmayo-yo

of-art.fs=sky-cop.3s

i=šəmšo kəkwo-yo bayne d-kəkwe (Midyat)

i=šəmšo

kəkwo-yo

bayne d

kəkwe

art.fs=sun

star-cop.3s

among

stars

u=yawmo kəkwo-yo bayne d-kəkwe (Mzizaḥ)

u=yawmo

kəkwo-yo

bayne d

kəkwe

art.ms=sun

star-cop.3s

among

stars

i=šəmšo kəkwo-yo b-bayn d-kəkwe (Arkaḥ)

i=šəmšo

kəkwo-yo

b-bayn d

kəkwe

art.fs=sun

star-cop.3s

in-among

stars

A semantic shift day > sun is known in various languages of the world, in particular in Kurmanji, where roj is the basic word for both day and sun (Chyet 521, 733, 826). In some of NENA, the MEA *yawmā also acquired the meaning ‘sun’: Barwar yoma (Khan 2008, 1451); C. Urmi yuma (Khan 2016, vol. 3, 342). In Modern South Arabian languages PS *yawm- day has become the main word for sun (Kogan 2015, 541).

6. Woman and Wife

The Midyat (məḏyoyo) and the village (quryoyo) dialects of Ṭuroyo have their own sets of basic words for the concepts of woman and wife. These notions can often be rendered by the same words. However, the relationship between the words for woman and wife within both sets is complex. Through a few illustrative passages we shall discuss the meaning and the dialectal distribution of the words aṯto (RW 39), ḥurma (RW 246), žənəke (RW 257) and pire (RW 382).

6.1. Midyat Dialect

The basic məḏyoyo word for wife is aṯto. However, aṯto is almost never used as a form of address in direct speech when the speaker addresses his wife. For this purpose the word žənəke, which usually means woman, is used as in the example below:

(51)

ʿaṣriye aṯi lu=bayto. mə́llela li=aṯto, omər: “žənəke!”

ʿaṣriye

aṯi

lu=bayto

evening

come.pret.3ms

to-art.ms=house

mə́l-le-la

l-i=aṯto

omər

say.pret-3ms-dat.3fs

to-art.fs= wife

say.ipfv.3ms

žənəke

woman

‘In the evening, he came home and called his wife: “Wife!”’ (PrS 12/21)

It should be noted that žənəke is a general form of address that can refer to any female person.

Aṯto is a generic term for a human female, woman (female), but it is only rarely used to denote a referential female person, woman (person). This function is performed by žənəke.

(52)

l=əḏʿiwo, d-kətyo aṯto, ḥəšwiwola gawro. mu=sabab d-aǧ=ǧule d-u=gawro aʿla-wayye

l=əḏʿ-i-wo

d-kət-yo

aṯto

neg=know.ipfv-3p-pst

that-cop-3s

woman

ḥəšw-í-wo-la

gawro

m-u=sabab

think.ipfv-3pl-pst-3fs.p

man

from-art.ms=reason

d-aǧ=ǧule

d-u=gawro

aʿl-a-wayye

that-art.pl=clothes

of-art.ms=man

on-possI.3fs-cop.3pl

‘They did not know that she was a woman, they were thinking [she was] a man, because she dressed in men’s clothes.’ (24:178, Midyat)

(53)

u=ḥa yawmo aṯyo žənəke sawto w faqərto, mlaʿela w ṭləbla meni i=odayaṯe

u=ḥa

yawmo

aṯy-o

žənəke

art.ms=one.m

day

come.pret-3fs

woman

saw-to

w

faqər-to

mlaʿe-la

old-fs

and

poor-fs

beg.pret-3fs

w

ṭləb-la

men-i

i=oday-aṯe

and

ask.pret-3fs

from-possI.1s

art.fs=room-this.f

‘One day an old and poor woman came, begging and asking me [to rent out] this room.’ (2:64, Midyat)

Compare, however, also:

(54)

qayəm u=Bardawil, azzé li=walay, mšayele m-ḥḏo aṯto, omər: “l-ma mahzamle an=nišayḏan?”

qayəm

u=Bardawil

azzé

l-i=walay

get_up.pret.3ms

art.ms=pn

go.pret.3ms

to-art.fs=town

mšaye-le

m-ḥḏo

aṯto

omər

ask.pret-3ms

from-one.f

woman

say.ipfv.3ms

l-ma

mahzam-le

an=niš-ayḏan

why

abduct.pret-3ms

art.pl=women-possII.1pl

‘Bardawil came to the town and asked one woman: “Who has abducted our wives?”’ (PrS 40/12-14)

Niše/neše is a suppletive plural used for both woman and wife in the Midyat dialect of Ṭuroyo.

Ḥurma occurs two times in Ritter’s corpus meaning woman. Pire is found in the Prym-Socin collection only with the meaning of old woman.

6.2. Village Dialects

There are two prominent words for wife in quryoyo: aṯto and ḥurma. Though ḥurma occurs quite often in the published corpus, aṯto is attested in the meaning of wife at least twice as much as ḥurma is:

Table 2: wife in other dialects

Midən

ʿIwardo

Kfarze

Anḥil

aṯto ‘wife’

65

55

80

13

ḥurma ‘wife’

21

10

34

8

An exception is constituted by two villages of the Raite region dialectal cluster—Xarabe Məška and Xarabe Kafre—where ḥurma is a basic word for wife, as shown in Table 3.

Table 3: wife in the Raite dialectal cluster

Raite

XM

S

Ḥwo

XK

A

aṯto ‘wife’

12

22

13

1

12

ḥurma ‘wife’

35

6

4

4

8

As in məḏyoyo, aṯto is not used as a form of address for wife in direct speech. Ḥurma takes on this function. Consider the following example:

(55)

qayəm sġəḏle li=aṯto d-ruḥe, məlle: “ya ḥurma! ḥaṭino qumax, kobaʿno d-ʿofatli”

qayəm

sġəḏ-le

l-i=aṯto

get_up.pret.3ms

bow.pret-3ms

to-art.fs=wife

d-ruḥ-e

məl-le

ya

ḥurma

of-refl-possI.3ms

say.pret-3ms

voc

woman

ḥaṭi-no

qum-ax

k-obaʿ-no

sin.pret-1ms

before-possI.2fs

prs-want.ipfv-1ms

d-ʿof-at-li

that-forgive.ipfv-2s-1s.p

‘He got up, bowed to his own wife and said: “Wife! I’ve sinned against you, I want you to forgive me.”’ (62:349, Kfarze)

Ḥurma is used as a general form of address for any female person (wife, mother, familiar or unfamiliar woman).

Occasionally, pire and žənəke can also mean wife.

The basic word for woman (female) as well as for woman (person) in the village dialects is ḥurma. Consider the following examples:

(56)

mqadamla l-gab Farxuṣaf, məlla: “ya i=ḥoṯayḏi! hawo d-mamṭelelax, ono ḥurma-no”

mqadam-la

l-gab

Farxuṣaf

come_near.pret-3fs

to-side

pn

məl-la

ya

i=ḥoṯ-ayḏi

say.pret-3fs

voc

art.fs=sister-possII.1s

hawo

d-mamṭé-le-lax

ono

ḥurma-no

this.m

that-bring.pret-3ms-2fs.p

I

woman-cop.1s

‘She came near to Farxuṣaf and said: “O, my sister! The man who brought you [there], [i.e.] I, is [actually] a woman.”’ (62:350, Kfarze)

(57)

kətwa ḥḏo ḥurma, kurdiye, əmmíwayle Ḥore

kət-wa

ḥḏo

ḥurma

kurdiye

exist-pst

one.f

woman

Kurdish.f

əmm-í-way-la

Ḥore

say.ipfv-3pl-pst-3fs.p

pn

‘There was a Kurdish woman, named Ḥore.’ (80:2, Midən)

The word pire can hardly have a claim on the status of basic word for woman in any of the village varieties in Ritter’s corpus. Though it is more popular in the dialects of the Raite region, as shown in Table 4 below, ḥurma still holds its position as the main word for woman. The more typical meaning of pire is old woman. It should be noted, however, that pire is the only word for woman found in Jastrow’s Lehrbuch (JL) texts, which represent the Midən variety of Ṭuroyo. Two of our informants, one from Midən and the other from Bsorino, consistently used pire in their replies.

Table 4: pire across dialects

Raite

Midən

Kfarze

XM

S

Ḥwo

XK

A

pire ‘old woman’

5

4

0

0

8

1

58

pire ‘woman’

2

5

1

2

6

0

0

Žənəke is yet another secondary word for woman (person) in quryoyo. It is worth mentioning that in Anḥil, it is used even more frequently than ḥurma (11 tokens of žənəke vs. 4 tokens of ḥurma).

Niše/neše and pirat are suppletive plurals for both woman and wife. Pirat is more common in the dialects of the Raite region. Niše/neše is attested in all the village varieties, especially in Kfarze and Anḥil, where pirat is only rarely used. In the dialects where both niše/neše and pirat are present, the former word stands for woman and wife, while the latter one merely means woman.

6.3. Summary

To summarise, aṯto is the basic word for wife and woman (female) in the Midyat dialect. Žənəke is the main word for woman (person) which can also be used as a form of address for any female person, including a wife. Niše/neše are suppletive plurals for both woman and wife.

In the village dialects, the basic words for wife are aṯto and ḥurma depending on the variety. Ḥurma is the main exponent of the notions woman (female) and woman (person), which can be used as a form of address for female persons including wife. Pire is the main word for woman (both female and person) in some modern Ṭuroyo dialects (Midən, Bsorino). Niše/neše and pirat are suppletive plurals for woman and wife.

7. Etymology

The following list shows our suggested etymologies of the lexemes in the previous discussion:

(1)

bird

safruno < MEA: ṣeprōnā ‘little bird’ (SL 1299); ṣipronā ‘bird, fowl’ (DJBA 962); ṣipra ‘little bird, sparrow’ (MD 394), ṣupra, ṣuprina idem, colloq. dimin. (MD 390).

ṭayro < MEA: Syriac ṭayrā ‘bird’ (SL 528).

(2)

head

rišo, rešo < MEA: rēšā ‘head’ (SL 1462); rēšā ‘head, top part’ (DJBA 1078); riša ‘head, top’ (MD 434).

qarʿo: see Arab. qarʿ ‘gourd’ and qarʿa ‘gourd, skull, head’ (DMWA 887–888), qarʿa ‘Kürbis’ (VW II 116), qarʿa ‘Kürbis” (Kinderib 113) and Syriac qarʿā ‘gourd’ and qarʿṯā ‘skull’ (SL 1414), the latter is considered a borrowing from Arabic. Tezel (2003, 119) assumes qarʿo to be an Arabic loanword. See also a discussion in Tezel (2003, 117ff).

(3)

man, husband

gawro < MEA: gaḇrā ‘man, person, husband’ (SL 202); gaḇrā ‘man, husband’ (DJBA 258); gabra ‘man’ (MD 73).

zlām < Kurd. zilam ‘man’ (Chyet 691). The Kurdish word must be a borrowing from Arabic, see EALL II: 606.

(4)

human being

ənsān < Arab.: insān ‘man, human being’ (DMWA 39).

nošo < MEA: nāšā ‘man, human beings’ (SL 65); ināšā ‘man’ (DJBA 120); (a)naša ‘human being’ (MD 24).

(5)

sun

šəmšo < MEA: šemšā ‘sun’ (SL 1576); šimšā ‘sun, sunlight’ (DJBA 1136); šamšā ‘sun’ (MD 443).

yawmo < MEA: yawmā ‘day’ (SL 568); yōmā ‘day, sun’ (DJBA 529); iuma ‘day’ (MD 190).

(6)

woman, wife

aṯto < MEA: atṯā ‘woman, wife’ (SL 66); ittəṯā (DJBA 128); ʿnta ‘woman, wife’ (MD 354). Nöldeke (§ 146) posits attā for Syriac (as against atṯā, expected etymologically), yet the Ṭuroyo form is not the expected regular descendant (in terms of historical phonology) of any of the aforementioned MEA words.

ḥurma < Arab.: ḥurma ‘that which is holy, inviolable; woman, lady, wife’ (DMWA 201); ḥərme (pl. ḥarīm) ‘femme (appartenant à un homme)’ in Mardin Arabic (Grigore 2007, 196); ḥərme, pl. ḥəram ‘femme’, lat. fœmina, mulier, uxor (DAS 154).

pire < Kurd.: pîr ‘old woman; wife’ (Chyet 464).

žənəke < Kurd.: jin ‘woman; wife, married woman’ (Chyet 290). The source form must be the indefinite oblique jinekê.

Abbreviations

Languages and Dialects

Arab.

Arabic

Ḥwo

Iḥwo

Kurd.

Kurdish (Kurmanji)

MEA

Middle Eastern Aramaic

NENA

North Eastern Neo-Aramaic

PS

Proto-Semitic

S

Sedari

Tur.

Ṭuroyo

A

Arkaḥ

XK

Xarabe Kafre

XM

Xarabe Məška

Glossing Abbreviations not in the Leipzig Glossing List

dm

discourse marker

exist

existential

ez

ezafe

pn

personal name

poss

possessive suffix

pret

preterite

Bibliographical Abbreviations

Chyet

Chyet, Michael L. 2003. Kurdish-English Dictionary. New Haven and London: Yale University Press.

DAS

Barthélemy, Adrien. 1969. Dictionnaire Arabe-Français. Dialectes de Syrie: Alep, Damas, Liban, Jérusalem. Paris: Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner.

DJBA

Sokoloff, Michael. 2002. A Dictionary of Jewish Babylonian Aramaic of the Talmudic and Geonic Periods. Ramat-Gan, Israel: Bar Ilan University Press; Baltimore; London: The John Hopkins University Press.

DMWA

Wehr, Hans. 1979. A Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic. Edited by J. Milton Cowan. 4th edition. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

EALL

Encyclopedia of Arabic Language and Linguistics. Leiden, Boston: Brill. 2006–2009.

JL

Jastrow, Otto. 2002. Lehrbuch der Ṭuroyo-Sprache. Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz Verlag.

Kinderib

Jastrow, Otto. 2005. Glossar zu Kinderib (Anatolisches Arabisch). Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz Verlag.

LB

Talay, Shabo. 2004. Lebendig Begraben. Münster: Lit Verlag.

MD

Drower, Ethel Stefana and Rudolf Macuch. 1962. A Mandaic Dictionary. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Nöldeke

Nöldeke, Theodor. 1966. Kurzgefasste syrische Grammatik. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft. Reprint.

PrS

Prym, Eugen and Albert Socin. 1881. Der Neu-Aramaeische Dialekt des Ṭûr ’Abdîn. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht.

RW

Ritter, Hellmut. 1979. Ṭūrōyo. Die Volkssprache der syrischen Christen des Ṭūr ʿAbdîn. B: Wörterbuch, Beirut: Franz Steiner Verlag.

SL

Sokoloff, Michael. 2009. A Syriac Lexicon. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns.

VW

Vocke Sibylle and Wolfram Waldner. 1981. Der Wortschatz des Anatolischen Arabisch. 1981. Tl. I–II. Nürnberg.

Bibliography

Barsky, Eugene, Yulia Furman and Sergey Loesov. 2018. ‘Two-Hundred-Word Swadesh List for a Modern Aramaic Variety (Ṭuroyo)’. In Aula Orientalis 36/1: 75–110.

Beyer, Klaus. 1984. Die aramäischen Texte vom Toten Meer: samt den Inschriften aus Palästina, dem Testament Levis aus der Kairoer Genisa, der Fastenrolle und den alten talmudischen Zitaten. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht.

Fitzmyer, Joseph. 1979. ‘The Phases of the Aramaic Language’. In A Wandering Aramean: Collected Aramaic Essays by Joseph A. Fitzmyer, pp. 57–84. Missoula, MT: Scholars Press.

Grigore, George 2007. L’arabe parlé à Mardin: Monographie d’un parler arabe «périphérique». Bucureşti: Editura Universităṭii din Bucureşti.

Khan, Geoffrey. 2008. The Neo-Aramaic Dialect of Barwar. Leiden, Boston: Brill.

———. 2016. The Neo-Aramaic Dialect of the Assyrian Christians of Urmi. Leiden, Boston: Brill.

Kogan, Leonid. 2015. Genealogical Classification of Semitic. The Lexical Isoglosses. Boston; Berlin: De Gruyter.

Ritter, Hellmut. 1967. Ṭūrōyo. Die Volkssprache der syrischen Christen des Ṭūr ʿAbdîn. A: Texte. Band I. Beirut: Franz Steiner Verlag.

———. 1969. Ṭūrōyo. Die Volkssprache der syrischen Christen des Ṭūr ʿAbdîn. A: Texte. Band II. Beirut: Franz Steiner Verlag.

———. 1971. Ṭūrōyo. Die Volkssprache der syrischen Christen des Ṭūr ʿAbdîn. A: Texte. Band III. Beirut: Franz Steiner Verlag.

Tezel, Aziz. 2003. Comparative Etymological Studies in the Western Neo-Syriac (Ṭūrōyo) Lexicon. Uppsala: Uppsala Universitet.


1 See the detailed introduction to the work on the Ṭuroyo Swadesh List in Barsky, Furman and Loesov (2018). The 208-Swadesh list is a modified version of the standard 207-Swadesh list (with one additional concept ‘to go’), which is a compilation of basic concepts used in comparative and historical linguistics for quantifying the interrelatedness of languages.

2 This represents the imperfective base also referred to as infectum, which, being bare or modified with affixes, appears in various functions (subjunctive, present, future, habitual past etc.).

3 The term Middle Aramaic is employed here in accordance with the classification of Klaus Beyer (1984). It includes three Eastern Aramaic varieties (Classical Syriac, Classical Mandaic and Jewish Babylonian Aramaic) and three Western Aramaic idioms (Christian Palestinian Aramaic, Jewish Palestinian Aramaic and Samaritan Aramaic). The term corresponds to Late Aramaic in Fitzmyer’s taxonomy (Fitzmyer 1979).

4 See more in RW 443f.

5 Both words can also mean ‘somebody’.

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