13. Personal, Social and Physical Development

This chapter focuses on the way that active engagement with music and listening preferences can affect the way that individuals develop personally, socially and physically.

Personal Development

This section on personal development includes the way that an individual’s identity, personality and self-beliefs are shaped by their interactions with the environment, including activities related to music.

Music and Identity

At any point in time, an individual may hold multiple identities depending on their current social context. Identities constantly evolve as they are challenged and reconstructed, based on the feedback that is received from interactions with others. This may be complementary or contradictory. DeNora (2017) identified several properties of personal identity, including status. This infers that identity can be raised or lowered in relation to others. The malleable nature of identities means that they can be combined to form new ones through a form of hybridisation. Music can play an important role in this process. Individuals use music to express themselves and explore their identities (Macdonald et al., 2017). Active listening to music supports this exploration and the integration of identities (Larson, 1995), helping individuals to decide who they are and what they aspire to be. In addition, music assists in sending a message about those decisions to others. Music is used consciously and unconsciously, to demonstrate attitudes, values and beliefs (Larson, 1995; Lull, 1987; North and Hargreaves, 1999). It is also used to gain knowledge about others (Macdonald et al., 2017).

Expression of identity is connected with young people’s lifestyle, language, personality development and the music that they listen to (Schwartz and Fouts, 2003). Adolescents’ musical identity may be context-specific, and can be different at school and in out-of-school contexts (Rideout et al., 2010). It can be defined through attending concerts, actively making music or listening to specific musical genres. Engagement in musical activities develops several aspects of identity in relation to the family and the school environment, and contributes to physical, cognitive, social, emotional and affective development (Hargreaves and Lamont, 2017). Musical preferences are used for self-identifying as a member of a specific peer group and musical subculture (Miranda and Claes, 2009; North and Hargreaves, 2008), creating social identities and membership of an in-group (Bakagiannis and Tarrant, 2006; Hargreaves et al., 2006; Rentfrow et al., 2009). Adolescents also use musical preferences to acquire valid and reliable information about others (Rentfrow and Gosling, 2006).

Young people spend a great deal of time listening to music (Keen, 2004; North and Hargreaves, 2000). This can be beneficial (Tarrant et al., 2000). It can help them to regulate emotions (North et al., 2000), act as a support when they face problems, help to alleviate loneliness and increase emotional sensitivity (Cook, 2013). Music also helps adolescents to develop a sense of connection and belonging, as they make friends with those with similar musical tastes (Lewis et al., 2012; Selfhout et al., 2009).

Adolescents who belong to minority ethnic groups use music as a means of developing their ethnic identity and resilience (Buffam, 2011; Lundström, 2009; Schweigman et al., 2011). Travis and Bowman (2012) found that having a positive ethnic identity was associated with music, in that music could be empowering. For example, rap music can inspire young people to connect with others, consider the experiences of others, think critically about their environment and want to change their communities. To bring about change requires agency—the ability to act regardless of barriers. This is key to achieving positive outcomes. Dedman (2011) argues that those who actively engage in hip-hop culture are responding to, and continuously resisting, mainstream images and messages from which they feel disconnected. The way that identities can change explains the findings of many studies of the effects of music in migrant communities (Baily and Collyer, 2006; Lenette et al., 2016; Marsh, 2013). Ilari (2017) discusses the role of ethnic identity in the perceptions and interactions of minority groups living among other ethnic and racial groups, such as Mexicans in the USA and South-Eastern Asians and Eastern Europeans in the UK, and how this affects their developing self-perceptions. Ilari argues that an important aspect of the ability to deal with the experience of being an immigrant or refugee is to be able to negotiate multiple identities. Hybrid identities can provide a wider family in which they can feel welcome. One of the main ways this can be achieved is through music. Children’s cultural musical heritage cannot be removed as a result of external circumstances (Ilari, 2017). Cultural diversity impacts the development and construction of social and musical identities across the lifespan in a wide range of contexts, including educational settings.

Musical identity, part of the self-system, refers to the self that listens to and creates music (MacDonald et al., 2002). It can support the building of a positive self-identity and effective learning routines (Hallam et al., 2016), As discussed in Chapter 12, disaffected young people and those engaged with juvenile or adult justice systems can develop new identities as musicians, leading to positive changes in their behaviour. Creating possible positive musical selves in this way can lead to broader changes in self-beliefs (Oleś, 2005), aspirations and subsequent career plans (Taylor and Hallam, 2011). Developing a positive possible musical self can occur at any point in the lifespan (Creech et al., 2014).

Music and Personality

There has been considerable research exploring the personalities of musicians. Some has compared musicians with non-musicians, while some has examined differences between musicians playing different instruments or engaging with different genres. The difficulty of interpreting this research in terms of personal development is that it is not possible to determine whether individuals with certain personality types are drawn to playing particular instruments or engaging with particular genres, or whether playing particular instruments or engaging with specific genres develops certain personality characteristics. It may be that elements of both apply and that there are interactions between them.

Musicians require a great many skills to be able to perform: imagination, flexibility, discipline, concentrated attention, emotional expression and intellectual, communication and motor skills (Juslin, 2003; Palmer, 1997). Some of these skills may be related to personality. The evidence from a range of studies shows that, as a group, musicians tend to be open to new experiences. Overall, they are more creative, imaginative and interested in change than the general population (Gibson et al., 2009; Kemp, 1996). Research with ten- to twelve-year-old children by Corrigal and colleagues (2013) showed that duration of music training was associated with openness to experience. It was also associated with conscientiousness. At seven to eight years old, when children frequently begin to take formal music lessons, the best predictors of participating in music training were parents’ openness to experiences and the child’s agreeableness (Corrigall and Schellenberg, 2014). This may indicate a tendency in very young musicians to comply with parental wishes.

Beyond the evidence regarding openness to experiences, as we saw in Chapter 10, there are differences between musicians on other aspects of personality. In a seminal study, Kemp (1996) identified common personality traits among Western classical musicians. He showed that they were bold introverts who directed energy inwards and appeared outwardly reserved. He argued that the nature of solitary practice may encourage autonomy and independence of thought. String players tended to be introverted, imaginative and radical, while brass players were more extroverted and had lower levels of self-discipline in comparison to other performing groups. Percussionists also tended towards extroversion. These findings suggested that the extent of practice required for these different instruments—typically more for string players, brass, wind and percussion players—either attracted people with personality characteristics suited to these roles or caused these characteristics to develop in response to the particular demands made of them by their chosen roles in the music profession (Kemp, 1996; Wills and Cooper, 1988).

Cribb and Gregory (1999) studied folk fiddle players and Salvation Army brass band members who completed a personality inventory and a questionnaire concerning their opinions about the personality characteristics of orchestral violinists, orchestral brass players, folk fiddlers, and Salvation Army brass band members. The findings showed greater neuroticism among string players but not greater extroversion in brass players (which had been found in previous research). Participants’ views about the personality characteristics of orchestral brass players and orchestral violinists echoed those found in previous research, but their views on the Salvation Army brass players and on folk fiddlers did not. The findings showed that personality differences or stereotypes of musicians are probably determined more by the history and traditions of the group in which they are perceived to belong than by the instruments that they play.

Since Kemp’s research, many other studies have been undertaken. For instance, Bell and Cresswell (1984) assessed personality traits in a sample of secondary-school musical instrumentalists and student instrumentalists attending a college of music. In both samples, significant differences were found between the musical sample and the normative population from which they were drawn. In the college sample, further differences were found between students whose main instrument of study was strings, woodwind or brass. The authors suggested that some personality characteristics predisposed individuals to pursue instrumental performance studies, whilst others reflected habitual performance on different types of musical instrument. Also studying music students, Shuter-Dyson (2000) found that they scored higher on extroversion than non-musicians, and that female music students were more neurotic and tender-minded than female non-musicians. Undergraduate music students also exhibit conscientious-like traits (Kemp, 1996; Marchant-Haycox and Wilson, 1992), although composers and rock musicians tend to be less conscientious than the general population (Gillespie and Myors, 2000; Kemp, 1996). Buttsworth and Smith (1995), comparing the personality profiles of performing musicians aged 17 to 41 years old with non-musicians, found that the musicians were less intelligent but more emotionally stable, sensitive and conservative. The male musicians were more sensitive and shrewd than their female counterparts, while brass players were more suspicious, imaginative, apprehensive and radical when compared with singers, and more extroverted (but less anxious and creative) when compared with string players. Keyboard players were more warm-hearted, emotionally stable and shrewd than those in the other instrumental groups. MacLellan (2011) explored personality differences among high-school band, string orchestra and choir students according to ensemble membership. The participants were 355 high-school students who had participated in a musical group for one or more years. There were personality differences between the members of the different ensembles, indicating that choir students were more likely to be extroverted when compared to orchestral students. There were no significant differences among the ensembles on the sensing intuition, thinking, feeling or judging/perceiving scales. Compared to high-school norms, the students in each ensemble were significantly more likely to be intuitive and feeling, while the band students were more likely to be perceiving, and the choir students to be extroverted. Hille and Schupp (2015), using a large data set from the German Socioeconomic Panel (SOEP), found that 17-year-old adolescents with music training were more conscientious, open and ambitious than non-musicians. These effects were stronger among adolescents from families with lower socioeconomic status.

Comparing musicians to a representative sample of the general workforce, Vaag and colleagues (2018) found lower levels of conscientiousness but higher levels of neuroticism and openness. There were no significant differences in extroversion or agreeableness. Gjermunds and colleagues (2020) compared the responses of 509 musicians and 201 non-musicians on the Big Five personality traits. The findings confirmed the higher levels of openness for musicians frequently found in previous research. The musicians scored lower on conscientiousness and there were no significant differences between the groups in extroversion, agreeableness, emotional stability or neuroticism. Similarly, Kuckelkorn and colleagues (2021) gathered data from 7,000 respondents: professional, amateur and non-musicians playing different instruments. The findings showed that the professional musicians scored higher than the amateurs, who in turn scored higher than non-musicians on openness to experience. The singers scored higher on extroversion than instrumentalists, while the professional musicians scored higher on neuroticism, lower on agreeableness, and lower on conscientiousness than the amateurs. Although there were personality differences between those playing different instruments, no consistent patterns emerged, which suggested that the differences were not related to instrument choice per se, but were perhaps moderated by musical genre and the social context of music-making in each group. Langendörfer (2008) examined personality differences among 122 professional orchestral groups of six top-level professional orchestras in Germany. The three instrumental groups—strings, woodwind, and brass players—displayed fewer differences in their personality traits than the stereotyped view of them had suggested. Apart from the finding that the string players were more conscientious than the other musicians, differences found in other studies were not replicated. Butkovic and Modrusan (2019) examined whether differences in personality attributed to musicians were based on actual differences or stereotypical views. One hundred and eighty-two string, brass and woodwind students, singers, pianists and music pedagogy students evaluated their own personality traits and the personality traits of the other groups. Comparison of self-reports with in-group and out-group peer reports showed that there were stereotypes of different groups of musicians. The most pronounced differences between self-reports and peer reports were in relation to openness and agreeableness. Similarly, Sandgren (2018) investigated whether there were differences in the personality traits of vocalists and instrumentalists. The findings from the 108 participants indicated that vocalists had significantly higher levels of extroversion, agreeableness and openness than a control group—but the instrumentalists did not.

Exploring motivational intensity and self-esteem, MacIntyre and Potter (2013), in an online survey recruiting an international sample of 599 musicians, examined differences between guitar and piano players and those who composed music, those who planned to compose in the future, and those who did not compose and did not intend to compose. The findings revealed instrument-based differences between pianists’ and guitarists’ levels of motivational intensity, desire to learn, introjected regulation, perceived competence and willingness to play. The group who composed music also had significantly higher levels of musical self-esteem, willingness to play, motivational intensity, desire to learn and perceived competence. Overall, the findings suggested that pianists and guitarists were both intrinsically motivated, but for different reasons. The authors concluded that the underlying motivational needs that are met by the instrument’s culture appear to focus on competence for pianists, and on autonomy and relatedness for guitarists.

Examining differences in genre, Butkovic and Rancic Dopudj (2017) compared 249 musicians playing either classical or heavy-metal music, and found that there were no significant differences in personality traits between the groups, although they differed significantly in personality from population norms, having higher scores on extroversion, agreeableness and intellect. Similarly, comparisons of classical and pop/rock musicians on measures of sensation-seeking found higher levels in the pop/rock musicians (Vuust et al., 2010). Benedek and colleagues (2014) compared students of classical, jazz and folk music with respect to their musical activities, creativity and personality. The jazz musicians were more frequently engaged in extracurricular musical activities, had completed a higher number of creative musical achievements, demonstrated higher ideational creativity and tended to be more open to new experiences than the classical musicians.

Overall, on the basis of the existing evidence it is not possible to say with any certainty that there are systematic personality differences between musicians playing different instruments, although as a group they appear to be more open to new experiences than members of the general population. Emerging differences may be related to the genre within which musicians work—for instance, jazz, pop, rock, or classical music. The research sheds no light on whether the observed differences are influenced by the different environments the musicians play in, or whether they existed prior to choice of instrument or genre.

Kemp (1996) studying young classical musicians found that they were motivated almost to the point of obsession. A high degree of perfectionism and intrinsic motivation seemed to be associated with being a classical musician. This may have indicated greater conscientiousness, although there are mixed findings relating to this. Stoeber and Eismann (2007) found elevated scores for conscientiousness among young musicians, whereas Yöndem and colleagues (2017) found lower scores. In a meta-analysis of studies in the general population, Smith and colleagues (2018) showed that there was a relationship between perfectionistic concerns and conscientiousness, although these were moderated by gender, age and the perfectionism subscale used.

There is considerable evidence that many musicians experience performance anxiety and distress across a variety of musical genres including classical, jazz and popular music (Papageorgi et al., 2013). Vaag and colleagues (2016) also showed that symptoms of anxiety and depression were highly prevalent among professional musicians. These findings have been related to perfectionism. There can be adverse health-related consequences of perfectionistic over-involvement in work. However, Stoeber and Eismann (2007) have shown that only some facets of perfectionism are associated with anxiety and distress, whereas other facets are associated with positive characteristics and outcomes such as motivation and achievement. To investigate how different facets of perfectionism were related to motivation, effort, achievement and distress in musicians, 146 young musicians completed measures of perfectionism: striving for perfection, negative reactions to imperfection, perceived pressure to be perfect, intrinsic and extrinsic motivation, effort, achievement and distress. The findings showed that striving for perfection was associated with intrinsic motivation, higher effort and higher achievement. Perceived pressure from music teachers was also associated with intrinsic motivation, while negative reactions to imperfection were associated with extrinsic motivation and higher distress. The findings demonstrated that perfectionism in musicians can have positive and negative aspects. While negative reactions to imperfection are clearly unhealthy, striving for perfection can be regarded as a healthy pursuit of excellence. Similarly, working with 132 students in music academies in Poland, Lawendowski and colleagues (2020) investigated study addiction. Seven core addiction symptoms related to studying were assessed, along with measures of personality and wellbeing. Study addiction was positively related to learning engagement but also to low extroversion, high social anxiety, longer learning time, lower academic performance and indicators of decreased wellbeing. Overall, the evidence suggests that being a professional musician or preparing for a career as a professional musician can have a negative impact on some aspects of personality.

Self-Beliefs

Historically, the term self-concept has been used to refer to how individuals perceive and evaluate themselves in different areas of their lives. In the same way that an individual can hold multiple identities, the self-system is made up of a number of self-images, including those relating to self-esteem, self-efficacy, ideal selves and possible selves. These are often context- or situation-specific and develop in interaction with the environment (Hallam, 2009; 2016). Active engagement with music can support the development of musical and other identities, and can also impact on self-beliefs. Depending on the feedback received from others, the impact may be positive or negative. Much of the evidence supports the positive impact of music on self-esteem and self-confidence but there are exceptions, typically when feedback is negative. Performance and receiving feedback from it are crucial in this process and can lead to positive or negative responses. Maintaining positive self-esteem is argued to help to maintain positive emotions, which motivates individuals to act and shields them against anxiety (Pyszczynski et al., 1999). Positive self-esteem is essential for individuals to have agency to act, rather than feeling powerless and depressed (Kuhl, 2000).

Bae and Kyungsuk (2020) examined the effects of the creation of a musical play on the self-esteem, self-expression, and social skills of 14 children between first and third grade, and 14 from fourth to sixth grade. Half of the children acted as controls. The activity involved making a script, composing song lyrics and music, and performing the completed musical play. Self-esteem and social-skill scales were administered before and after the intervention. The experimental group exhibited significantly higher scores than the control group on all of the scales except those of self-expression and social skills. The results showed that group music therapy could facilitate children’s engagement in groupwork, and that playing an important role in the group could positively impact on self-perceptions. In the UK, Harland (2000) showed that the most frequent overall influences on pupils derived from engagement with the arts in school were related to personal and social development. In music, those who played instruments referred to an increase in self-esteem and sense of identity. Research on the benefits of playing an instrument and participating in extracurricular music groups has been shown to impact on participants’ self-confidence and self-esteem. Tolfree and Hallam (2016), in a qualitative study of children in the latter years of primary education and the early years of secondary education, showed that the children had a sense of achievement from playing an instrument. This was most prevalent amongst the younger boys and the older girls, who also expressed having pride in playing well more frequently than the other groups. All age groups reported frustration when they did not achieve. This was mentioned least by the older boys. University music students reflecting on their previous musical experiences at school highlighted the contribution of making music to the development of a strong sense of self-esteem and satisfaction. They reported enhanced personal skills, encouraging the development of self-achievement, self-confidence and intrinsic motivation. A further study with non-music students who had previously participated in musical groups established similar benefits, with a particular preoccupation with the impact of group music-making on self and personal development (Kokotsaki and Hallam, 2007; 2011).

Some early studies exploring the role of music education on self-esteem showed positive relationships between participation in choir, band or formal music instruction and self-esteem (Amchin et al., 1991; Nolin and Vander Ark, 1977; Wood, 1973). Wig and Boyle (1982) studied the effects of a keyboard learning approach and a traditional general music approach on sixth-grade general music students’ music achievement, and self-concept regarding music ability. Those in the keyboard group made significantly greater gains in musical attainment and musical self-concept than the control group. Duke and colleagues (1997) administered questionnaires to a large number of children studying piano in various regions of the USA, their parents and their piano teachers, and found that the children, their parents and their piano teachers believed that piano instruction improved the students’ lives in many ways, including enhanced self-esteem. Similarly, Austin (1990) found a relationship between music, self-esteem and degree of participation in school and out-of-school music activities among upper elementary students.

In England, the evaluation of a national singing programme involving approximately 6000 children found that those participating had more positive self-concepts than non-participating children (Welch, 2010). There was a positive linear relationship between singing development and self-concept. Similarly, Welch and colleagues (2014), using data from 6087 participants, showed that the higher the normalised singing development rating, the more positive the child’s self-concept and sense of being socially included, irrespective of singer age, sex and ethnicity. Also in England, an evaluation of the Musical Futures approach—where young people work in the classroom in small groups, copying a popular song and ultimately creating their own—showed that non-music teachers and senior staff in participating schools reported that the approach had a positive impact on students’ self-esteem, confidence, motivation and independent learning (Hallam et al., 2015; 2017; 2018).

A study by the Norwegian Research Council for Science and Humanities found high correlations between positive self-perception, cognitive competence scores, self-esteem, interest and involvement in school music (Lillemyr, 1983), while Whitwell (1977) argued that creative participation in music improved self-image and self-awareness, and created positive self-attitudes. Similar findings have been found with urban black middle-school students (Marshall, 1978). Dege and colleagues (2014) showed that the number of music lessons experienced by 12- to 14-year-olds contributed significantly to the prediction of academic self-concept and also motivational characteristics (for instance, perseverance), while Degé and Schwarzer (2018) investigated the influence of an extended music curriculum at school on academic self-concept. They compared the academic self-concept of children between 9 and 11 years old before they started the extended music curriculum and after one year of participation, and compared it with non-participation. Thirty children were assessed in relation to their academic self-concept, with the amount of non-musical out-of-school activities controlled for. The extended music curriculum had a positive influence on academic self-concept following a year of engagement.

Rickard and colleagues (2013) studied the impact on over 350 young children in Grades 1 and 3 of Kodaly music classes (for the youngest children in Grade 1) and instrumental classes, predominantly string-based, for the children in Grade 3, in comparison with control groups. The findings showed that these school-based music classes prevented the decline in global self-esteem measures experienced by the control group in both the younger and older cohorts, and in both general and academic self-esteem for the older cohort. The data suggested that increasing the frequency and quality of arts-based activities can be beneficial for the self-esteem of primary-school-aged children. Clements-Cortes and Chow (2018) also showed that music could prevent a decline in self-esteem. Music interventions have proven to be a protective factor, as positive social experiences instil confidence. Active engagement with music can improve emotional regulation and resilience, and foster identity and self-image, while facilitating social acceptance and a sense of belonging in a nurturing community.

Not all of the research has shown positive outcomes. Several doctoral dissertations have failed to find any impact of engagement with music on self-esteem (Linch, 1994). Legette (1994) compared the effects of two types of music instruction on first- and third-graders’ self-concepts, and found no difference in the two types of musical activity or their impact on self-concept. Some research has shown different outcomes for boys and girls. For instance, Lomen (1970) found an increase in one element of self-concept in boys only, while Wamhoff (1972) noticed a decrease in one element of self-concept for girls taking instrumental lessons, as compared to non-participants and girls who dropped out of the lessons.

Self-Beliefs, Deprivation and Disaffection

In Chapter 12, a range of evidence was presented which showed that engagement with musical activities enhanced the self-beliefs, self-esteem and positive possible selves of young people and adults involved with a range of criminal justice systems. It also set out how music could enhance the self-beliefs of those from communities suffering deprivation. For instance, most evaluations of the outcomes of young people participating in El Sistema or Sistema-inspired programmes have pointed to a positive impact on self-beliefs.

El Sistema and Sistema-inspired programmes have prioritised the personal and social development of participants, and many of the evaluations point to the positive impact on self-beliefs (Esqueda Torres, 2001; 2004; Galarce et al., 2012; Israel, 2012; Uy, 2010). However, Lewis and colleagues (2011) found no significant changes in self-esteem over time, although comparisons of the self-esteem of children in the two participating schools where there were differences at the beginning of the project had disappeared by the time of the second survey. Children with low self-esteem at the start of the programme benefited the most. Lopez and Berrios (2007) showed that El Sistema orchestras were perceived as providing a positive space for self-affirmation and identity formation. Participation was perceived to show openness to new realities and values, tolerance to diversity, the development of personal identity and self-affirmation. Provenzano and colleagues (2020) studied the effects of an El-Sistema-inspired university-partnered after-school music programme on developmental health, social and educational outcomes. The participants were 93 fifth-grade students in a racially and ethnically diverse, low-income elementary school. Over a period of four years, outcomes were assessed with surveys, interviews with music instructors and the school principal, and parent and participant focus groups. There were significant changes in students’ perceptions of their music-making ability, their connection to other students and an enhanced sense of school pride. Creech and colleagues (2013; 2016) attributed the impact of El Sistema and Sistema-inspired programmes on self-esteem to recognition by participants of their own abilities and of these being acknowledged by families and friends.

Shin (2011) investigated how participation in weekly music workshops affected the academic self-concept and self-esteem of middle-school students in low-income communities. The programme lasted for seven weeks and consisted of playing percussion instruments, singing, improvisation, jamming, group dancing, and dynamic and rhythmic exploration. The assessment included a self-description questionnaire, a parent survey and student interviews. The findings demonstrated that there were significant differences in general school self-concept and mathematics self-concept from pre- to post-test. Both parents and students indicated that participation in the programme had positively influenced students’ self-esteem. Similarly, Zapata and Hargreaves (2017) researched the impact of a project undertaken in a school located in a deprived neighbourhood of Bogotá, the capital of Colombia. Two groups of 52 six- to eight-year-old children participated. The experimental group followed an 18-week programme of singing workshops of Colombian traditional songs and musical improvisation, whereas the control group had no such experience. Children, teachers and parents were involved in assessing the outcomes. A perceived competence scale for children was administered before and after the singing programme. Analysis revealed that musical activities had a significant impact on children’s self-esteem, especially its cognitive component.

Wood and colleagues (2013), in a ten-week intervention that included group drumming, showed that 180 at-risk twelve-year-olds in 19 schools had a ten percent increase in self-esteem scores and improved relationships with peers, as evaluated by teachers. School data showed a decrease in reported behaviour incidents for 29 percent of participants. Overall, the evaluation indicated that the DRUMBEAT programme provided a creative medium for working with at-risk young people and helped develop self-esteem and social relationship skills.

Some research found no differences. For instance, Costa-Giomi (2004) randomly assigned nine-year-olds to three years of individual piano lessons or a no-lesson control group. The two groups did not differ in self-esteem at any point in time. Similarly, children who received a two-year music intervention did not differ from control groups at the beginning or end of the study (Portowitz et al., 2009). In these studies, the children received individual music instruction and were not engaged in group music-making. In contrast, Devroop (2012) investigated the social-emotional impact of group instrumental music instruction on 84 disadvantaged South-African students over a period of two years. The findings showed that there were generally increased levels of self-esteem, optimism, happiness and perseverance after participation in an instrumental music programme. It seems that an important element in enhancing self-esteem through music-making may be participation in ensembles.

Children with Special Educational Needs and Disabilities

Some early research with children with low self-esteem or behavioural difficulties showed no impact of musical engagement on self-esteem. For instance, Michel (1971) researched black disadvantaged students with low self-concept who learned to play rhythm guitar through automated instruction. There was no effect on their self-esteem. A second study with students with special educational needs also showed no impact. Similarly, Michel and Farrell (1973) worked with disadvantaged boys aged ten to twelve with a range of problems in an all-black elementary school, and found that the boys—who were taught to play and perform simple chords on a ukulele—showed no enhancement of self-esteem.

Choi and colleagues (2010), working with children exhibiting aggressive behaviour, showed that after participation in a music programme, children showed enhanced self-esteem compared with controls. In a qualitative study with two children with social and behavioural difficulties, Thomas (2014) showed that, after experiencing music lessons for a period of a year, the children demonstrated enhanced self-confidence and self-esteem. Broh (2002) showed that students who participated in musical activities talked more with their parents and teachers, and concluded that these social activities were likely to lead to higher self-esteem and self-efficacy. Keen (2004) worked with troubled adolescents who often have low self-esteem and found that music therapy was successful in raising self-esteem. Various techniques were adopted including song discussion, listening, writing lyrics, composing music and performing.

MacDonald and Miell (2002) demonstrated that educational programmes in music composition and learning to play an instrument could increase self-esteem in children with learning disabilities and developmental disorders. These children face particular challenges as they struggle with intellectual or motor issues, which physically differentiate them from their peers and lead to them being shunned by those around them. Participating in public performances highlighted healthy elements which may have gone unnoticed because of the children being assigned a label of disability. Engaging in music as a rightful member of a musical group can change how disabled people see themselves, enhancing self-esteem and improving relationships with others.

Ensemble Participation

One strand of research has focused on the impact of ensemble participation on self-esteem. In the USA, research has explored the impact of being a member of a school band. For instance, Brown (1980; 1985) found that 91 percent of non-band parents, 79 percent of non-band students, 90 percent of drop-out band parents and 82 percent of drop-out band students agreed that participating in a band built self-esteem, self-confidence and a sense of accomplishment. A study with students who participated in band festivals (Gouzouasis and Henderson, 2012) found that students valued instrumental music and participation in band festivals as a positive, rich educational experience, and experienced a sense of accomplishment after a good performance.

Evans and Liu (2019) examined the impact of psychological need satisfaction and frustration in a high-school orchestra programme. Seven hundred and four participants were surveyed in orchestra programmes in three schools in the midwestern United States. The influence of psychological need satisfaction and frustration were assessed as predictors of time spent practising, intentions to continue participation and self-esteem. Psychological need satisfaction predicted all three outcomes, although psychological need frustration, in contrast, showed mixed results and predicted self-esteem negatively.

Musical Preferences and Self-Esteem

Some research has focused on the relationship between self-esteem and musical preferences. Rentfrow and Gosling (2003) failed to uncover significant relationships between self-esteem and musical preferences, suggesting that perceived self-worth had no effect on musical preference, or vice versa. In contrast, Shepherd and Sigg (2015) assessed differences in music preferences and self-esteem in 199 university students and found that music preference scores for clusters of music genres were found to significantly correlate with self-esteem.

In a review including 14 studies, Lawendowski and Bieleninik (2017) examined the evidence regarding music therapy participation and self-esteem. They argued that participation offered opportunities to engage in identity work, defining, developing and reflecting on personal understanding, and cultivating new expressions of self-identity. They suggested that self-understanding developed and led to self-acceptance and personal growth. They also drew attention to the marked variation in research depending on the type of music therapy used, the participants, settings, outcomes and measurement tools. A qualitative analysis showed that expression of emotion and a sense of agency were valuable for both participants and those around them as a way of providing damaged selves with ways to heal, thus improving self-esteem.

Social Development

Music and Early Social Development

In a review, Creighton (2011) argued that early experiences of emotional communication contribute to mother-infant attachment and impact upon an infant’s neurological, social and emotional development. Similar conclusions were drawn by Ilari (2016) in a review which examined young children’s musical engagement from a social perspective, integrating research from a wide range of fields and theoretical orientations. Children begin to develop social skills with their caregivers from birth. Music can play a role in this development and in the way that mothers bond with their newborn children. For instance, Cevasko (2008) examined the effects of mothers’ singing on their adjustment to and bonding with their newborn infants, as well as the use of music in the home environment in the first two weeks after their infants’ birth. Fifty-four full-term infants and mothers and 20 premature infants (alongside 16 of their mothers) were randomly assigned to experimental or control conditions. Mothers in both groups were recorded singing songs of their choice for use at home. Recordings of each pre-term mother’s voice were played for 20 minutes, three to five times each week, at a time when the mother was not able to visit her infant in hospital. All full-term and pre-term mothers in experimental and control groups completed a post-test survey two weeks after the infants were discharged. There was a significant difference between the mothers’ perceived value of music, with the pre-term experimental group valuing music more. They also sang to infants more than the control group. Pre-term mothers more strongly agreed that knowing that their child was listening to their singing helped them to cope with their infants’ stay in hospital. In addition, pre-term infants who listened to the CD recording of their mother’s singing left the hospital an average of two days earlier than those in the control group, although this difference was not statistically significant.

There is considerable evidence that mother-infant singing leads to increased perceived emotional closeness and strengthening of the mother-infant bond (Fancourt and Perkins; 2018). Fancourt and Perkins (2017) compared the effects of singing to babies with listening to music. Singing to babies on a daily basis was associated with enhanced wellbeing, self-esteem and self-reported mother-infant bonding. Persico and colleagues (2017) compared groups of women who had or had not engaged in singing lullabies at antenatal classes in the 24th week of pregnancy with a follow-up at three months after birth. Postnatal bonding was significantly greater in the singing group three months after birth.

Gerry and colleagues (2012) found that six-month-old infants exposed to active music lessons where they were encouraged to repeat the songs and rhymes every day at home led to superior development of prelinguistic communicative gestures and social behaviour, compared to infants assigned to a passive musical experience. Similarly, Pitt and Hargreaves (2017) investigated the role of and rationale for parent and child, up to three years old, group music-making activities in children’s centres. The perceptions of parents and practitioners were sought through a questionnaire which was completed by 49 practitioners and 91 parents. The questionnaire was based on a previous qualitative study which had revealed seven thematic categories of the perceived benefits of music: social, emotional, learning, teaching, links to home, parenting and organisational. Statistical analyses revealed significant differences between the expressed views of parent and practitioner groups, as well as between parents in different broad age groups. Practitioners expressed more positive views about the perceived benefits of music for parents than were expressed by the parents themselves. Parents in the majority age group, 27 to 35 years, expressed significantly more positive opinions on a variety of questionnaire items than did parents in both younger and older age groups.

Researching older children, Williams and colleagues (2015) investigated parent-child home music activities in a sample of 3031 Australian children aged two to five years old, and found that shared home music activities had a small significant partial association with measures of children’s prosocial skills. However, Hartas (2011) found no relationship between parents’ reported frequency of singing songs and rhymes or playing music at three years old and teacher-rated performance of social emotional development at five years old.

Kawase and colleagues (2018) focused on the age of onset of group music lessons at a music school on children’s levels of sociability. A preliminary survey of the association between age of onset and extracurricular musical training or activity in non-music majors implied that musical experience from a very early age positively influenced social skills during adulthood. In the main study, Kawase and colleagues conducted a survey of 276 children aged four to five and six to seven years old who commenced music lessons at ages one, two, four and six. The findings showed that the empathy scores of children aged six to seven who began lessons when they were one year old were greater than those who began lessons at four years old. The communication scores of children aged four to five who began lessons at one year old were greater than those who began lessons when older than one year old. The empathy and extroversion scores were high in those aged six to seven who began lessons in that age range. In the lessons for the very young children, simultaneous parent-child musical activities were also likely to lead to enhanced attachment. Overall, the findings suggested that participation in group music lessons two to four times a month can be effective social training for very young children and foster their later sociability.

Research with disadvantaged children and their parents has also demonstrated the benefits of participation in musical activities. For instance, Nicholson and colleagues (2008) explored the effectiveness of a ten-week group music therapy programme on 358 parents who were socially disadvantaged, young or had a child with a disability. The children were under five years of age. Musical activities were used to promote positive parent-child relationships and children’s behavioural, communicative and social development. Significant improvements were found for therapist-observed parent and child behaviours, parent-reported irritable parenting, educational activities in the home, parent mental health, child communication and social play skills. Other research has shown that group music lessons for children can improve accompanying parents’ mood (Kawase and Ogawa, 2018).

The Role of Synchronisation

Synchronisation of movement plays an important role in social development. Engagement with musical rhythms at a young age supports synchrony and more altruistic behaviour between children and adults (Trainor and Cirelli, 2015). Parent-child attachment induced by synchronisation increases children’s social cognitive skills (Thompson, 2008). Behrends and colleagues (2012), on the basis of the literature, argued that coordinated movement fosters empathy and prosocial behaviour, and synchronous and imitated movement is associated with liking and prosocial behaviour. Supporting this, Cirelli and colleagues (2014) arranged that each of 48 14-month-old infants were held by an assistant and gently bounced to music while facing the experimenter, who bounced either in or out of synchrony with the way that the infant was bounced. The infants were then observed and placed in a situation in which they had the opportunity to help the experimenter by handing to her objects that she had accidentally dropped. The infants were more likely to engage in altruistic behaviour and help the experimenter to pick up the objects after having been bounced to music in synchrony, compared with infants who were bounced asynchronously. A further experiment, using anti-phase bouncing, suggested that this was due to the contingency of the synchronous movements as opposed to movement symmetry. These findings supported the hypothesis that interpersonal motor synchrony might be a key component of musical engagement that encourages social bonds among group members, but also that motor synchrony to music may promote the very early development of altruistic behaviour.

Kirschner and Tomasello (2009) hypothesised that children would spontaneously synchronise their body movements to an external beat at earlier ages and with higher accuracy if the stimulus was presented in a social context. A total of 36 children in three age groups—2.5, 3.5, and 4.5 years old—were invited to drum along with either a human partner, a drumming machine or a drum sound coming from a speaker. When drumming with a social partner, children as young as 2.5 years old were able to adjust their drumming tempo to a beat outside the range of their spontaneous motor tempo. Children of all ages synchronised their drumming with higher accuracy in the social condition. Similarly, Kirschner and Tomasello (2010) examined the relationship between collaborative music activity and helping behaviour in four-year-old children who engaged in three minutes of musical collaboration, and suggested that the children who synchronised with peers showed more spontaneous cooperative and helpful behaviour, relative to a carefully matched control condition with the same level of social and linguistic interaction but no music. The ability to synchronise with other children in group music lessons also predicts attentional behaviour (Khalil et al., 2013).

Parent-child coordination during musical activity has been shown to be beneficial for good relationships. For instance, Wallace and Harwood (2018) assessed parent-child musical engagement in childhood and adolescence as a predictor of relational quality in emerging adulthood. These findings persisted when controlling for other forms of positive parent-child activity. Since younger children require more support from their parents, attachment might increase through musical engagement in younger classes as compared to older classes.

Synchronising movements with others encourages a collective social identity, leading to increased cooperation within a group. For instance, Good and colleagues (2017) investigated whether movement synchrony impacted on social categorisation and cooperation across intergroup boundaries. Two three-person groups were brought together under movement synchrony conditions designed to emphasise different social categorisations. All individuals moved to the same beat while each minimal group moved to a different beat, or each individual moved to a different beat. The findings demonstrated that movement synchrony influenced social categorisation and cooperation across intergroup boundaries. Valdesolo and colleagues (2010) showed that rocking in synchrony enhanced individuals’ perceptual sensitivity to the motion of others and increased their success in a subsequent joint-action task that required the ability to dynamically detect and respond appropriately to a partner’s movements. These findings support the view that in addition to fostering social cohesion, synchrony enhances the abilities that allow individuals to functionally direct their cooperative motives. Similarly, Valdesolo and DeSteno (2011) manipulated rhythmic synchrony and showed that synchronous others were not only perceived to be more similar to the participating individual, but also evoked more compassion and altruistic behaviour than asynchronous others having the same experience. These findings support the view that a primary function of synchrony is to mark others as similar to the self and that synchrony-induced affiliation modulates emotional responding and altruism.

Keller and colleagues (2013) reviewed the psychological processes and brain mechanisms that enable rhythmic interpersonal coordination, including an overview of research on the cognitive motor processes that enable individuals to represent joint-action goals and to anticipate, attend and adapt to other’s actions in real time. They concluded that music supports social cognitive tendencies including empathy and affects coordination, which affects interpersonal affiliation, trust and prosocial behaviour.

Musical Ensembles and Teamwork

Making music with others in small and large groups requires teamwork, particularly when music is to be performed. Teamwork relies on participating individuals supporting each other and developing trust and respect. Group music-making provides an ideal vehicle for developing prosocial, teamworking skills. Musical ensemble performance constitutes a refined form of joint action that involves the non-verbal communication of information about musical structure and expressive intentions through co-performers’ sounds and body movements. From a psychological perspective, ensemble performance necessitates precise yet flexible interpersonal coordination of sensorimotor, cognitive, emotional and social processes. Such interpersonal coordination is facilitated by representations of shared performance goals, which are consolidated during rehearsal. During actual performance, these shared goal representations interact with sensorimotor and cognitive processes that allow co-performers to anticipate, attend to and adapt to each other’s actions in real time. Shared representations involve the integration of information related to one’s own part, others’ parts and the joint-action outcome. Shared musical representations facilitate real-time interpersonal coordination by dynamically embodying intended action outcomes related to the self, others and the ensemble as a whole (Keller, 2014).

Small ensembles, such as string quartets, are argued to be significant examples of self-managed teams, where all members contribute equally to a task. In larger ensembles, such as orchestras, the relationship between conductor and orchestra clearly emerges as they come to know each other (Volpe et al., 2016). Within small musical groups, social relationships and the development of trust and respect are crucial for their functioning (Davidson and Good, 2002; Davidson and King, 2004; Goodman, 2000; Young and Colman, 1979). For long-term success, rehearsals have to be underpinned by strong social frameworks, as interactions are typically characterised by conflict and compromise related mainly to musical content and its coordination, although some interactions are of a more personal nature (for instance, approval; Murninghan and Conlon, 1991; Young and Colman, 1979). The smaller the group, the more important personal friendship seems to be.

Kawase (2015; 2016) studied the relationship between daily social skills, styles of handling interpersonal conflict, non-verbal behaviour and leadership. They requested 68 female music majors to complete questionnaires assessing these different skills and behaviours, and showed that a performer’s daily social skills, an integrating style of handling interpersonal conflict, and leadership in daily communication affected the evaluation of ensemble performance through social behaviours during ensemble practice. Overall, daily social skills were correlated with behaviours during ensemble practice. Performers with a high evaluation of their ensemble performance tended to employ two types of social behaviours: an integrating style of handling interpersonal conflict and leadership in daily communication. No correlation was observed between non-verbal skills in daily communication and the evaluation of ensemble performance.

The impact of making music with others has been studied in children. For instance, Pasiali and colleagues (2018) examined the potential benefit of a music therapy social skills development programme to improve the social skills of school-aged children with limited resources in an after-school programme. Twenty students aged five to eleven years old participated. The programme consisted of eight 50-minute sessions. The results showed that music therapy had the potential to promote social competence in school-aged children with limited resources, particularly in the areas of communication and low-performance, high-risk behaviours.

In the UK, peripatetic instrumental teachers working in schools have reported considerable benefits of learning to play an instrument, including the development of social skills, teamwork and a sense of achievement, and enhanced confidence, self-discipline and physical coordination (Hallam and Prince, 2000). Also in the UK, an evaluation of informal music learning where students work in small groups to copy popular songs by ear and ultimately create their own songs showed a positive impact on listening skills and collaborative, peer and teamworking as reported by music and non-music teachers and senior staff in the schools (Hallam et al., 2016; 2017; 2018).

Being involved in the extracurricular rehearsal and performance of a school show has been shown to facilitate the development of friendships with like-minded individuals and make a contribution to social life through a widespread awareness of the show by non-participants (Pitts, 2007). Such participation increased pupils’ confidence, social networks and sense of belonging, despite the time commitment which inevitably impinged on other activities. Similarly, Cuadrado and colleagues (2017) researched Musicalizatech, a collaborative music production project for secondary and high-school students. Forty-six participants from secondary education and high schools in Seville and Cordoba, grouped in 15 preformed bands, joined the project. The research used questionnaires, a focus group, online diaries and interactions in an online chatroom. The results showed impact on participants’ development of social and emotional skills, ability to problem-solve and work in teams, development of technological skills and clear improvements in the process of musical creation.

Research in the USA has shown that involvement in group music activities in high school helped individuals to learn to support each other, maintain commitment and bond together for group goals (Sward, 1989). The benefits of band participation have been reported to include maturing relationships. For instance, band directors talked in general terms about the benefits of teamwork, cooperation, sense of belonging, companionship and social development (Brown, 1980). Adderley and colleagues (2003) investigated the meaning and value that music ensembles engendered for their participants, and the social climate of the music classroom. Structured interviews were conducted with 60 students, 20 each from band, choir and orchestra. Ensemble participation yielded musical, academic, psychological and social benefits. The social climate emerged as an important element, as students noted the importance of relationships for their wellbeing and growth. In the UK, reflecting on previous and current group music-making activities, university music students reported benefits in terms of pride in being an active contributor to a group outcome, developing a strong sense of belonging, gaining popularity, making friends with like-minded people and the enhancement of social skills (Kokosaki and Hallam, 2007; 2011). Similarly, a study of 84 members of a college choral society showed that 87 percent believed that they had benefited socially, 75 percent emotionally, and 49 percent spiritually from participation. Meeting new people, feeling more positive and being uplifted spiritually were all referred to (Clift and Hancox, 2001).

School Climate

Some research has focused on the way that the collaborative and non-competitive elements of ensemble music-making can enhance school climate and social interactions within school contexts (Bastian, 2000; Gouzouasis and Henderson, 2012). In Finland, Eerola and Eerola (2014) explored whether music education could create social benefits in the school environment in ten schools which had an extended music curricular class. The quality of school life was assessed by a representative sample of 735 pupils aged nine to twelve years old. The results showed that extended music education enhanced the quality of school life, particularly in areas related to general satisfaction about the school, and sense of achievement and opportunities for students. A follow-up study examined whether the increase in critical quality of school-life variables was related to music. This analysis utilised data from other classes, with an extended curriculum in sports or visual arts. These classes did not confer similar benefits. Overall, the results suggested that extended music education had a positive effect on the social aspects of schooling. In a major study in Switzerland, Spychiger and colleagues 1993) found that increasing the amount of classroom music within the curriculum increased social cohesion within class and led to greater self-reliance, better social adjustment and more positive attitudes, particularly in low-ability, disaffected pupils.

Sistema Programmes

Evaluations of individual El Sistema or Sistema-inspired programmes, where children experience intensive and prolonged engagement in an orchestral community, have reported the strengthening of children’s sense of individual and group identity, of children taking pride in their accomplishments, and of enhancement in determination and persistence. Children valued their participation as a social activity, a way to enjoy music with others and strengthen friendships with peers, working in teams and acquiring musical skills. Many of the evaluations of Sistema-inspired programmes in the USA refer to enhanced peer relationships, demonstrating respect and having consideration for others. Because of their experiences in orchestras and ensembles, participants understood the importance of working cooperatively (Creech et al., 2013; 2016). Intensive ensemble activities are seen as a rich opportunity for nurturing positive citizenship skills, including respect, equality, sharing, cohesion, teamwork and the enhancement of listening as a major constituent of understanding and cooperation (Majno, 2012). Slevin and Slevin (2013) suggested that the programmes offered a safe and nurturing space where children learned what it meant to pursue an ideal. They argued that this type of teamwork, where the goal depended on individual effort, enabled personal development. Similarly, Lewis and colleagues (2011) revealed improvements in social skills and the development of positive group identity in an ElSistema-inspired programme. Pupil surveys administered two years apart indicated statistically significant change in relation to social skills and relationships. Children reported how they tried to help others and take turns. Interviews with parents and teachers reinforced these findings. The parents suggested that this was because the children were proud of their musical achievements and because the programme offered opportunities for developing social skills and discipline. Teachers also indicated that pupils had a greater sense of purpose and self-confidence. Smithhurst (2011) and Burns and Berwick (2012) found enhanced confidence and social skills to be outcomes, while programmes in Scotland showed enhanced confidence, happiness and teamworking skills (GEN, 2011a; 2011b). In Ireland, after three years, a Sistema-inspired programme was found to foster a strong positive group identity. When asked to design a new school crest, every child produced a design that included a musical symbol (Kenny and Moore, 2011). Parents and others in evaluations by Campe and Kaufman (2013) and Savoie (2012) indicated that playing in Sistema-inspired musical groups supported students in their social development, providing an important scaffold for developing collaborative skills. These skills transferred to other school and home settings. Galarce and colleagues (2012), based on findings from focus group data, found that students participating in a Sistema-inspired programme in the Caribbean demonstrated improved social skills, cooperation, teamwork, communication and a protective social network after only six months of participation. Quantitative data showed that students were significantly less likely to get angry and be aggressive, and be less involved in teasing, shoving, hitting, kicking or fighting. Similarly, Bergerson and Motto (2013) found that students experienced greater empathy for others who shared their interests. In Argentina, Wald (2011a; 2011b), researching two Sistema-inspired programmes, found evidence of enhanced self-esteem, self-worth, self-confidence, pride, motivation, commitment, social responsibility and socialisation. Comparing programmes in Venezuela and the USA, Uy (2010) reported improvements in relaxation and coping, communication, the ability to work with others and self-esteem. Osborne and colleagues (2015) explored the academic and psychosocial impact of El-Sistema-inspired music programmes in two low socioeconomic schools, where students experienced generational poverty or had current or first-generation immigrant or refugee status. Ninety-two students in Years 3 to 6 completed audiovisual assessments of psychosocial wellbeing. Comparisons by school and programme participation over a period of 12 months indicated improved psychosocial wellbeing for students in one school. Overall, many positive social outcomes of Sistema programmes have been reported internationally (Creech et al., 2013; 2016), although there are exceptions: for instance, Villalba (2010) found that some students did not feel completely integrated and others were bored. This suggests that the nature of the musical activities in these programmes plays an important role in mediating any wider non-musical outcomes.

Prosocial Skills and Empathy

One of the most frequently cited benefits of group music-making is its impact on prosocial behaviour. From an evolutionary perspective, Hagen and Bryant (2003) have argued that group music-making and dancing evolved as ways of demonstrating internal stability in the group and the ability to act collectively in establishing meaningful relationships with other groups. Music and dance can also act as effective tools to maintain bonds within social groups, increasing cooperation and prosocial behaviour (Huron, 2001; 2003). Members of musical groups have to pay attention to the actions and intentions of the other players, and their physical and emotional states (Cross et al., 2012). This promotes states of togetherness (Huron, 2001; 2003; Cross, 2009). Understanding the emotional state of others is key to developing empathy—the ability to produce appropriate responses to the situation of others that approximate their responses and experiences, as well as an awareness and identification of their emotions (Lieberman, 2007). Cross and colleagues (2012) suggest that music has empathy-promoting components which can lead to shared intentionality, understanding of the intentions of others, the adoption of a common object of attention (Tomasello et al., 2005) and intersubjectivity (Rabinowitch et al., 2012).

There is evidence that engagement in making music can enhance children’s prosocial behaviour and empathy. Ritblatt and colleagues (2013) examined the effects of a school readiness music programme on preschool children’s socioemotional readiness to transition to kindergarten. They found that those participating in musical activities improved on a range of social skills, including social cooperation, social interaction and social independence.

In other research, preschool and primary-school children who participated in a special music empathy programme—which highlighted the importance of empathy through singing and composing songs about empathy, as well as discussing how children empathise—also demonstrated high empathy levels (Kalliopuska and Ruokonen, 1986; 1993; Kalliopuska and Tiitinen, 1991). Schellenberg and Corrigall (2015) investigated whether group music training in childhood was associated with prosocial skills. Children in third and fourth grade who attended ten months of music lessons taught in groups were compared to a control group of children matched for socioeconomic status. All children were administered tests of prosocial skills near the beginning and end of the ten-month period. Compared to the control group, children in the music group had larger increases in sympathy and prosocial behaviour, but this effect was limited to children who had poor prosocial skills before the lessons began. The effect was evident even when the lessons were compulsory, which minimised the role of self-selection. Rabinowitch and colleagues (2013) studied 52 children aged eight to eleven years old who were randomly assigned to musical activities, games or acted as a control group. The musical intervention consisted of a range of musical games which were designed to encourage musical interactions and working together creatively. Entrainment games were designed to encourage rhythmic coordination, and imitation games to highlight imitative and gestural encounters, shared intentionality and intersubjectivity. The children took a battery of tests at the beginning and end of the study, which included three measures of emotional empathy. Two out of three of the empathy measures increased in the children in the music group. Similarly, Hietolahtiansten and Kalliopuska (1991) surveyed 12-year-old children who had been musically active for about six years and same-age control children with no musical activity, and found that the musically trained children scored significantly higher on scores of empathy.

Related to empathy is the concept of emotional sensitivity. As music is closely linked with the emotions, it is possible that active music-making has the capacity to increase emotional sensitivity (Hunter and Schellenberg, 2010). For instance, Resnicow and colleagues (2004) found that there was a relationship between the ability to recognise emotions in performances of classical piano music and measures of emotional intelligence, which required individuals to identify, understand, reason with and manage emotions using hypothetical scenarios. The two were significantly correlated, which suggests that identification of emotion in music performance draws on some of the same skills that make up everyday emotional intelligence. There is also evidence that music training enhances sensitivity to emotions in speech (Thompson et al., 2004). Similarly, Schellenberg and Mankarious (2012) studied the relationship between understanding emotions and music training in 60 seven- to eight-year-olds. The musically trained children had at least eight months of formal musical training out of school, mainly through private individual lessons. The findings showed a positive association between music training and emotional ability.

Comparing the effects of different musical interventions, Rose and Colleagues (2019) investigated the effects of musical instrument learning on the development of 38 seven- to nine-year-old children. Pre- and post-test measures of socioemotional behaviour were compared in children who received either extracurricular musical training or statutory school music lessons. There were no statistically significant differences in socioemotional behaviour between the groups. In a retrospective study, Theorell and colleagues (2014) assessed whether musical creative achievement and musical practice were associated with emotional competence. Eight thousand Swedish twins aged 27 to 54 were studied. Musical achievement and musical practice were related to higher emotional competence, although the effect sizes were small. Focusing on the impact of listening and observation, Haner and colleagues (2010) studied the effects of a children’s opera about bullying presented to five classrooms in three schools. Data were available for 104 children in Grades four and five. Knowledge of bullying increased significantly after participation and there was a significant decrease in self-reported victimisation.

Interventions for Children with Special Educational Needs and Disabilities

One strand of research has focused on children with a range of special educational needs and disabilities. For instance, music therapy studies with young autistic children have shown enhanced social, verbal and communication skills and emotional development (Oldfield, 2006). Dezfoolian and colleagues (2013) studied five children with autism who had no previous experience in music or play therapy. Social interaction, verbal communication and repetitive behaviour of the participants were scored before and after the Orff music therapy. All participants improved significantly in their social interactions and verbal communication. Similarly, Kim and colleagues (2009) studied improvisational music therapy and toy-playing sessions using DVD analysis of sessions with children on the autistic spectrum. Improvisational music therapy produced markedly more and longer events of emotional synchronicity and initiation of engagement behaviours in the children than toy-playing sessions. In response to the therapist’s interpersonal demands, compliant positive responses were observed more in music therapy than in toy-playing sessions. No responses were twice as frequent in toy-playing sessions as in music therapy. The findings supported the value of music therapy in promoting social, emotional and motivational development in children on the autistic spectrum. Hillier and colleagues (2012) reported the findings of a pilot music programme for adolescents and young adults with Autism Spectrum Disorder. Evaluation of the programme focused on self-esteem, anxiety and attitudes toward/relationships with peers. Pre- and post-outcome measures showed a significant increase in self-esteem, reduced self-reported anxiety and more positive attitudes toward peers.

Zyga and colleagues (2017) focused on children with intellectual disabilities, as these can cause a child to have significant deficits in social skills and emotional regulation abilities. They investigated the feasibility of delivering a school-based musical theatre programme to students with intellectual disability across a range of school settings. Video recordings were coded for socioemotional ability across each of the 47 participants. The findings showed significant gains across all domains, although these gains related to school- and individual-level student factors such as grade level, severity of disability and baseline social-skill level.

One project explored the impact of musical engagement as part of the National Orchestra for All on 35 young people with special educational needs following a summer residential programme. There were statistically significant increases with a large effect size for self-esteem, emotional wellbeing, resilience and life satisfaction. Participating girls seemed to benefit more than boys (Hay, 2013; NPC, 2012).

Physical Development

As we saw in Chapter 2, research in the field of neuroscience has shown that intensive instrumental music training affects the anatomy of the brain, with greater grey-matter volume seen in motor-related areas (Elbert et al., 1995; Hyde et al., 2009; Pascual-Leone, 2001) and greater white-matter volume in motor tracts (Bengtsson et al., 2005), with differences emerging after one year of music training (Hyde et al., 2009; Schlaug et al., 2005). There are also very specific differences in relation to the instruments played (Bangert and Schlaug, 2006). Despite this, there is relatively little research exploring the impact of active engagement with making music on physical development, although children and adults frequently respond to music with movement. For instance, Overy (2014) studied the impact of beat on children’s natural responses to music and showed that four-year-old children showed spontaneous, energetic movement responses which were highly periodic and repetitive—such as jumping, swaying and twisting—often in close synchrony with the auditory beat pattern, although not always in time. She concluded that the human motor system responds powerfully to an auditory beat pattern, but that there are large individual differences in preferred movements. Also, individuals frequently use music as a motivator when they are exercising. Research related to this will be discussed fully in Chapter 17.

There is evidence that learning to play an instrument improves fine motor skills (Schlaug et al., 2005). Early training may be important, as Watanabe and colleagues (2007) showed that musicians who trained before the age of seven had better performance in a timed motor sequence task than musicians who began training later. Early- and late-trained musicians were matched for years of musical experience, years of formal training and hours of current practice. The early-trained musicians performed better than the late-trained musicians. This advantage persisted after five days of practice. Performance differences were greatest for a measure of response synchronisation, suggesting that early training has its greatest effect on neural systems involved in sensorimotor integration and timing.

Some research has focused on fine motor abilities. For instance, Costa-Giomi (2005a) compared the fine motor abilities of children who participated in two years of piano instruction and those who had never received formal music training. A significant improvement in fine motor skills was found only for the children who received the music lessons. There was also a significant difference in the speed of response between the two groups at the end of the two years of instruction. Similarly, James and colleagues (2019) carried out a cluster randomised controlled trial which provided evidence that focused musical instrumental practice, in comparison to traditional sensitisation to music, provoked multiple transfer effects in the sensorimotor domain. Over the last two years of primary school, 69 ten- to twelve-year-old children received group music instruction by professional musicians twice a week as part of the regular school curriculum. The intervention group learned to play string instruments, whereas the control group (peers in parallel classes) were sensitised to music through listening, theory and some practice. There were benefits for the intervention group as compared to the control group for sensorimotor hand function and bimanual coordination. Learning to play a complex instrument in a dynamic group setting appears to impact development more strongly than classical sensitisation to music.

Martins and colleagues (2018) conducted a longitudinal training study to examine if collective, Orff-based music training enhanced fine motor abilities when compared to a homogeneous training programme in basketball, or to no specific training. The training programmes in music and sport had the same duration, 24 weeks, and were homogeneous in structure. A design including tests prior to training, post-training and a follow-up was adopted. Seventy-four children attending the third grade, aged eight years old, were pseudo-randomly divided into three groups—music, sport and control—that were matched on demographic and intellectual characteristics. Fine motor abilities relating to hand-eye coordination and motor speed subsumed under manual dexterity, bimanual coordination and manipulative dexterity were tested. All groups improved in manipulative dexterity but the children engaged in the music programme showed an advantage in relation to bimanual coordination and manual dexterity. This persisted for four months after the programme ended.

Music, Locomotor Performance and Coordinated Motor Skills

Some research has explored whether rhythmic accompaniment can improve performance in physical education programmes. In early research, Anshel and Marisi (1978) observed positive results in performance accuracy and endurance when music was rhythmically synchronised with motor performance. Painter (1966) found similar results. Beisman (1967) showed that throwing, catching, jumping and leaping improved when children participated in a programme involving rhythm. Brown and colleagues (1981) studied two approaches to facilitating perceptual motor development in children, aged four to six years old. The experimental group, with 15 children, received 24 sessions of integrated physical education and music instruction, based on the methods developed by Kodaly and Dalcroze. The control group of 15 children received 24 sessions of movement exploration and self-testing instruction. The experimental group showed significant improvement, with changes in motor, auditory, and language aspects of perceptual motor performance, as well as a total score.

Derri and colleagues (2001) investigated the effect of a ten-week music and movement programme on the quality of locomotor performance in 68 four- to six-year-old children. The children were assessed on running, skipping, galloping, hopping, leaping, sliding and horizontal jumping. Thirty-five children participated in the exercise programme twice a week, while the control group did not participate in any organised physical activity programme. The findings showed that the experimental group improved on galloping, leaping, horizontal jumping and skipping. A later study showed that the programme compared favourably with free-play activities (Deli et al., 2006). Similarly, Zachopoupou and colleagues (2004) compared the effect of a developmentally appropriate music and movement programme and a developmentally appropriate physical education programme on the development of jumping and dynamic balance in children aged four to six years old. Ninety children participated. Fifty followed the music and movement programme which lasted for two months. The remainder served as the control group and followed a physical education programme for the same period of time. The results showed that the experimental group improved significantly in jumping and dynamic balance. Rose and Colleagues (2019) investigated the effects of musical instrument learning on the development of 38 seven- to nine-year-old children. Pre- and post-test measures of motor ability and visual motor integration were compared in children who received either extracurricular musical training or statutory school music lessons. The children receiving extracurricular lessons showed a significant increase in visual motor integration and in gross motor ability for aiming and catching measures. It seems that musical activities may support development in a child’s ability to judge distance, consider velocity, focus, and use their proprioceptive, interoceptive and exteroceptive nervous system.

Overview

There is clear evidence that music plays an important role in the development and maintenance of identity, although the extent to which this applies may vary among individuals depending on their hobbies and interests. Musicians as a group have been shown to be more open to new experiences than the general population. Beyond this, there are no clear personality differences between musicians and the general population, or between those playing different instruments. However, differences have emerged with more clarity in relation to the genre of music with which musicians are engaged. This suggests that the context in which music is rehearsed and performed influences personality development. There is strong evidence across genres that professional musicians and those training to become professional musicians experience performance anxiety and may experience perfectionistic work tendencies. The latter can have positive benefits in terms of motivation and conscientiousness but may be detrimental when the musician becomes focused on imperfect performances. Music can have a positive impact on self-esteem in children and young people, providing that feedback from peers, teachers and families is positive. This is particularly evident in those from disadvantaged backgrounds or those with special educational needs or disabilities. If feedback on performance, even practising at home, is negative rather than constructive, the impact on self-esteem can be detrimental.

In children and young people, group music-making in large and small groups generally promotes the development of social skills, teamwork and empathy, although there may be exceptions to this (for instance, if a group member does not contribute equitably). Issues can arise in the working of small groups of professional musicians, although the need to prepare for public performance may support the development of skills which help to resolve any challenges—for instance, compromise and leadership skills—in order that the group can perform well. Synchronisation of movement plays a role in supporting group working and may have evolved in order to enhance group cohesion.

Learning to play a musical instrument which requires coordinated complex movements enhances fine motor skills in young children. When children are able to engage in movement to music, this impacts positively on a range of athletic skills including jumping, skipping, throwing and catching.