16. Music, Inclusion and Social Cohesion

Music has a wide range of functions. These were set out in detail in Chapter 1. One of the most important functions is the role of actively making music in encouraging social bonding. This function has been argued to have an evolutionary basis (Huron, 2001). Harvey (2018) suggests that music and music-related behaviours, along with language and speech, were important for early evolution in helping to promote emotional synergy and social bonding, and foster group-level cooperation and coordination. Savage and colleagues (2020) argue that the evolution of musicality involved gene and cultural coevolution, where proto-musical behaviours that began as cultural inventions had effects on biological evolution through their impact on social bonding. Repetition, synchronisation and the combination of harmony, rhythm and pitch provided social rewards through linking brain networks, physiological systems and behaviours. Cross (2003) argues that music may be particularly suited for supporting social bonding, as it is generally free of risk and its meaning can be interpreted in different ways, allowing humans to interact and share experiences, even though each participating individual may have different perspectives, goals and relationships. Music can promote survival through the way it synchronises the moods of many individuals, who can then collectively take action to protect and defend themselves from attack (Dowling and Harwood, 1986). Moving together rhythmically seems to reinforce this process (Hove and Risen, 2009; Kogan, 1997; Trainor, 2014). Further support for the role of music in social bonding is the fact that music occurs in every human culture and subculture, unless it is deliberately suppressed. It is the most universal human behaviour on record (Merker et al., 2015). Mehr and colleagues (2020) support the evolutionary role of music in relation to coalitional interactions, but also emphasise its importance in infant care.

Humans, as a species, face considerable challenges compared with primates as to how to maintain social bonds with groups much larger than those of primates. Music might provide a way of achieving this (Freeman, 2000). Rhythmic activities induced by drum beats or music can lead to altered states of consciousness, through which mutual trust among members of societies can be engendered. This proposition has been supported by empirical research. For instance, Weinstein and colleagues (2016) recruited individuals from a community choir that met in small groups (20 to 80 people) and large groups (232 people). Feelings of inclusion, connectivity and positive affect increased after each 90-minute singing rehearsal in the small choir, but greater increases were reported for those in the large choir, suggesting that singing together fosters social closeness—even in large group contexts where individuals are not known to each other. Similarly, Pearce and colleagues (2015) followed newly-formed singing and non-singing adult education classes over a period of seven months. Participants rated their closeness to their group before and after classes at three timepoints: one, three and seven months. Singers and non-singers felt equally connected after seven months, but much faster bonding occurred in the singing group after only one month. Singing may have evolved specifically to bond together large human groups of relative strangers quickly, their willingness to coordinate with others supported by the way that music generates positive emotions.

All group music-making involves a strong element of sociability (Finnegan, 1989). The links between music, social bonding (Cross, 2009; Hagen and Bryant, 2003) and emotion (Juslin and Sloboda, 2001) may explain why group music-making enhances wellbeing. Sloboda (1985) suggests that music-making is rewarding, in part because it generates social bonding and cultural coherence. Its role in a range of ceremonies supports this (Roederer, 1984). Social networks developed through music-making support group identity, collective thinking, collaborative learning, friendship, social support, a sense of belonging, synchronisation, catharsis, and the collective expression and experience of emotion (Brown, 1991; Faulkner and Davidson, 2004; Coffman, 2002; Creech et al., 2013a; Lehmberg and Fung, 2010). In a recent example, Arditi (2020) suggests that when musicians in popular bands perceive their performance identity as linked to the identity of the band, the group has greater solidarity and is more likely to remain together. While music can support the formation and maintenance of group identity, and promote cooperative behaviour, conversely it can create the potential for hostility towards outgroups. For children and young people, group music-making offers the opportunity to engage in wide cultural experiences, explore new ideas, places and perspectives, and support social cohesion (Israel, 2012). This not only benefits participants but also increases the involvement of parents and carers, and their attendance at cultural events and exposure to culture more generally (Creech et al., 2013).

The biological underpinnings of social bonding in primates involve endorphins and the endogenous opioid system. These are released during synchronised exertion (Tarr et al, 2014) and are associated with several human behaviours, including laughing and synchronised sports, as well as singing and dancing. Passively listening to music also engages the endogenous opioid system. Identifying self as part of a group, combined with the activity of the endogenous opioid system, may be important in the way that music promotes social bonding. Endorphins are released during synchronised movements which also have an effect on social bonding, social behaviours and oxytocin levels (Weinstein et al., 2016). Kreutz (2014), studying the psychobiological effects of amateur choral singing in comparison with dyads chatting to each other, showed patterns of change favouring singing over chatting, suggesting that singing enhanced individual psychological wellbeing, as well as inducing a sociobiological response. Similarly, Grape and colleagues (2003) observed significant increases of oxytocin—which plays a fundamental role in social behaviours—in both professional and amateur singers after a singing lesson.

Participating in musical groups requires attention to be paid to the actions and intentions of other group members and their physical and emotional states, in addition to being able to communicate emotions and respond to those of others (Cross et al., 2012). Group music-making promotes the activity of neural networks that connect areas of the brain associated with social cognition and music production (Sanger et al., 2012). This is key to the development of empathy. Musical participation can enhance empathy in children (Rabinowitch et al., 2013) and may also increase emotional sensitivity (Resnicow et al., 2004). In young people, music preferences can indicate similar or different values, with similarity contributing to social attraction, explaining how musical bonding can occur in a range of different cultures (Boer et al., 2011).

Human interactions sometimes require that behaviour is coordinated (Keller et al., 2014). Such synchrony promotes positive social behaviour. For instance, infants who were bounced in synchrony with an experimenter were subsequently more likely to help the experimenter when they dropped objects which were needed to complete a task than those bounced out of synchrony (Trainor and Cirelli, 2015). The pleasure of performing in temporal synchrony with others may also have wide-ranging consequences for wellbeing and overall functioning (McNeill, 1995). For instance, Hove and Risen (2009) showed that degree of synchrony in tapping tasks predicted subsequent affiliation ratings.

One of the most frequently cited benefits of group music-making is its impact on prosocial behaviour. Young children have shown enhanced cooperation and helpful behaviour in musical as opposed to non-musical conditions (Kirschner and Tomasello, 2009; 2010). The El Sistema programme and projects inspired by it facilitate prosocial behaviour (Creech et al., 2013; 2016). Intensive ensemble activities are seen as providing opportunities for nurturing positive citizenship, including respect, equality, sharing, cohesion, teamwork, and the enhancement of listening skills as an important element in promoting understanding and cooperation (Majno, 2012). Research in the USA has shown that involvement in group music activities in high school helps individuals learn to support each other, maintain commitment and bond together to achieve group goals (Sward, 1989). Band participation has positive benefits on maturing relationships, teamwork, cooperation, sense of belonging, companionship and social development (Brown, 1980). In adolescence and young adulthood, music-listening in families and peer groups contributes to family and peer cohesion. This applies across a range of cultures including Kenya, the Philippines, New Zealand and Germany (Boer and Abubakar, 2014). In a large study of 30,476 people in the UK, Van de Vyver and Abrams (2018) found that greater engagement with the arts, including musical activities, predicted greater prosociality, volunteering and charitable giving.

Joint music-making provides opportunities for developing skills relating to citizenship. It can encourage tolerance and the development of social ethics, increase acceptance of children with intellectual impairments (Humpal, 1991; Jellison et al., 1984) and enhance concern with wider community issues (Miksza, 2010). Wiltermutt and Heath (2009) showed that students in the USA scored higher on a coordination exercise and a public-good game after singing along with a song played on headphones compared to no singing or forced asynchronous singing. Music-making can also be used to teach leadership skills to children in primary and secondary schools (Hallam, 2017), where they learn to communicate verbally and musically with other children.

Music and Conflict

There can be no greater illustration of the power of music than its role in conflict situations. The relationship between music and conflict is complex. Music has not always been used to promote peace. It can be—and has been used by—those who desire to create or maintain conflict. Bergh and Sloboda (2010), in a review of the literature, outlined the ways in which music can support conflict. They give examples of how music has been used to support preparations for war. For instance, in Nazi Germany, music was used to accompany large rallies, with the purpose of developing a sense of cohesion (Reinert, 1997). In Croatia, music was used to develop nationalist feelings before the start of the war (Pettan, 1998), while Serbians used folk music to bolster the concept of Serbian uniqueness (Hudson, 2003; Bohlman, 2003). Similarly, Albanians used music videos to attempt to create a national identity in preparation for war (Sugarman, 2006). For centuries, music has been used to support militia as they face battle, drums offering rhythm to support marching together, while drums, bugles and bagpipes have been used to bolster courage (McNeill, 1995). More recently, in Iraq, American soldiers played loud, aggressive music while engaging in dangerous activities (Gittoes, 2006). In some countries, music has been used to promote revolution. Songs can be used as calls for action. For instance, congregational music represents solidarity and a sense of collective identity in the civil rights movement (Ward, 1998). Boulanger Martel (2020), drawing on data relating to the production of music between 1988 to 2019 of the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia, argued that cultural production was employed to bolster rebel-group legitimacy: internally by justifying the existing hierarchical relationships between leaders and fighters, and externally by identifying the rebel group as a legitimate alternative to the existing establishment and a rightful representative of the people.

Typically, in conflict situations, music is employed with multiple purposes. For instance, in the 2^nd World War, in the ghettos and concentration camps, music played a complex role in daily life. It was used to help to alleviate distress among those who were incarcerated (Gilbert, 2005) but at the same time to intimidate and demonstrate power (Pettan, 1998). Moreno (1999) reviewed the meaning and sometimes therapeutic role of music for victims and perpetrators during the Holocaust, demonstrating the importance of music in times of stress. Music was used for humiliation and torment. Musical censorship was applied and music was used for deception, distraction and masking. The prisoner orchestras demonstrate how musically induced humane feelings were separated out, with sentiment and nostalgia coexisting alongside denial and indifference to the way that others were suffering.

Recently, loud noise and music have been used as a means of torture, to challenge beliefs (Cloonan and Johnson, 2002), or to torment and humiliate prisoners of war (Cusick, 2006). Bayoumi (2005) reported how detainees have been subjected to music at high volume which has been designed to destroy their minds. In Guantánamo Bay, Eminem, Britney Spears, Limp Bizkit, Rage Against the Machine, Metallica and Bruce Springsteen have been played at excessive volume for long periods of time. Detainees indicated that music was used as a weapon designed to deprive them of sleep, cause overstimulation and be psychologically intolerable.

In contrast to promoting conflict and causing distress, music has been used over many years in attempts to resolve conflict and support peace. For instance, the Buwaya Kalingga people established peace pacts that were consolidated through feasts and the use of specific songs (Prudente, 1984). Bergh and Sloboda (2010), in a review, point out that since the early 1990s there has been increasing use of music and arts to reduce conflict. In the Balkans and between Israel and Palestine, music and the arts have frequently been used in mediation efforts. In the Sudan, music was used as a meeting place between 29 different ethnic groups who had been displaced as a result of the 22-year civil war (Bergh, 2007). Other initiatives have included the recording of joint Israeli-Palestinian CDs, music therapy with children (Ng, 2005) and brass-band performances for children from different ethnic groups (Veledar, 2008). Bornstein (2008) has researched artistic and religious contributions to peace building in Indonesia, while music and poetry have been used to attempt to resolve conflict in Cyprus (Ungerleider, 1999) and elsewhere (Epskamp, 1999). Bang (2016), in a review of the literature, investigated how artistic engagement could facilitate transformative learning and the development of skills and capacities for more constructive engagement with conflict, fostering new perspectives and, ultimately, cooperative relationships. Zelizer (2003; 2004), working in Bosnia, Herzegovina, focused on the process of artistic interventions, suggesting that conflict could be resolved by expanding the identity of participants beyond current group identities. Also focusing on process, Weaver (2001) argued that reconciliation between parties in conflict should be viewed as a creative process, while Zelizer (2003; 2004) suggested that changing emotions, not rational thought, was necessary to achieve reconciliation after civil war.

Much of the research on conflict reduction has been criticised because outcomes have been based on the perceptions of those organising the programmes and the musicians delivering them, rather than the participants (Cohen, 2005a). This may have distorted the reported effectiveness of programmes. For instance, Fock (2004) found that teachers in a Danish multicultural music project were more cautious when reporting change in pupils than they were in responses given in questionnaires which had to be returned to the organisers. Cohen (2005a) suggested that, to be effective, projects should connect with other conflict resolution interventions and take greater account of the context. Lederach (2005) also considered how artists could contribute to peace-building, while in a review (but also using empirical data collected from conflict transformation projects in Sudan and Norway—Bergh, 2007; Bergh, 2008; Bergh, 2011), Bergh and Sloboda (2010) concluded that most interventions were ineffective in the long term because they did not relate to participants’ daily lives. It seems that, to be effective and make sustainable changes, programmes need to take place over many years. Some multicultural projects, where music from other cultures is shared, can emphasise differences between groups rather than the similarities. This can exacerbate the issues which the programme intended to address. The imbalance in power between organisers, those delivering the programme and participants can also be a problem in establishing efficacy (Zelizer, 2004). Haskell (2005) suggests that issues of power and control need to be taken into account in all interventions, as weaker parties may agree to avoid future negative consequences. Academic research in this area has been criticised for sometimes having too great an emphasis on theory rather than practice (Robertson, 2006). Despite these difficulties, there continue to be discussions about how music might help in supporting the resolution of conflict (Lopez, 2008; Urbain, 2007). As considered in Chapter 15, there has been increasing interest from music therapists in developing interventions to support those traumatised by conflict (Edwards, 2005; Ng, 2005).

Some research has focused on the relationship between social cohesion and patriotism. Hamzah and colleagues (2021) studied the impact of music in Malaysia, which became independent in 1957. The national anthem and patriotic songs were mobilised by the state to foster a sense of national cohesion and collective identity. These songs were popular and accepted by Malaysian citizens from diverse backgrounds as a part of their national identity. This was supported by their repetition on national radio, television and social media platforms. Group discussions were conducted and revealed that patriotic songs, rather than commercial popular songs, were more popular and wide-reaching in appeal across different professions, ethnicities, religions and geographic locations. Patriotic music provided a means for social cohesion through the personal, intimate and affective associations that such songs solicited from individual citizens. Johan (2020)—drawing on cases of intercultural intimacy found in the production, performance and studio recordings of Malaysian artists and groups—revealed how Malaysian popular music, specifically from the stage of maturing nationhood during the 1970s and 1980s, provided an important means of intercultural cohesion among citizens from a range of ethnicities, religions and social classes. It offered intimate, creative expression that facilitated the process of everyday social cohesion.

In the same way that music can be used to promote conflict, it can also be used to increase prejudice. For instance, Corte and Edwards (2008) researched the use of punk music by white power activists. At the end of the 1970s, a racist rock music movement known as White Power music emerged in Great Britain connected to political parties of the extreme right. Throughout the 1990s, it expanded significantly into a multi-million-dollar international enterprise, promoting White Power musicians performing in a wide range of musical genres. The music had a particular role in recruiting new adherents, especially young people. The authors concluded that White Power music continued to play a significant role in the mobilisation of racist political and social movements by drawing in new recruits, cultivating a racist collective identity, and generating substantial sums of money to finance a range of racist endeavours. In contrast, Roberts (2009) provided examples of punk involvement in left-wing social movements, including the Rock Against Racism movement in the UK and the Peace movement in the US. The punk ethic of independent media construction at the centre of the punk movement made it possible for punks to make connections to various social movements, in addition to altering the dynamics of those social movements. Eyerman (2002), drawing on research on the Civil Rights movement in the United States, the memory of slavery in the formation of African-American identity and the place of white-power music in contemporary neo-fascist movements, outlined how music can act as a political mediator.

Some research has focused specifically on using music to reduce prejudice. For instance, in Northern Ireland, Odena (2010) studied the perceptions of 14 practitioners engaged in musical activities in cross-community settings, working with Protestant and Catholic groups. Interview data showed that cross-community music education projects were an effective means of addressing prejudice amongst young people, but the specific contexts of each setting put limits on what could be achieved. Similarly, folk songs have been used in Israel to bring Palestinian and Jewish children and their families together during cross-community school visits (Lichman, 2006; Lichman and Sullivan, 2000). Songs promoting social inclusion can reduce prejudice, discrimination and aggression between groups and promote cultural understanding. For instance, Greitemeyer and Schwab (2014), in a series of experiments, showed that participants who had listened to songs with pro-integration relative to neutral lyrics expressed less prejudice and were less aggressive and more helpful towards an outgroup member. These effects were unaffected by liking the song or the mood and arousal properties of the songs employed, suggesting that it was the pro-integration content of the lyrics that achieved the effects. Clarke and colleagues (2015) reported the outcome of an empirical study demonstrating that passive listening to music of an unfamiliar culture could significantly change the cultural attitudes of listeners who had high levels of empathy. Research in other areas relating to the way that music can bring about change has shown that sustainable change tends to occur where participation is active and involves participants in the regular use of musical skills over a period of months as opposed to days (Spychiger et al., 1993; Harland et al., 2000).

Music and Refugees

For many years, Australia has been one of the most multicultural countries in the world, although globalisation increased the number of people arriving from countries with vastly different backgrounds, experiences, ideologies, values and belief systems. Gifford and colleagues (2009) carried out a longitudinal study to explore the experiences of 120 newly arrived young people with refugee backgrounds. In their first year at a school focused on developing their English language skills, with the exception of instances of teasing and bullying, their experience was positive, but on transition to mainstream school they felt that they had inadequate English language skills to engage fully with educational requirements. They felt less supported by teachers, their academic work declined, as did their feelings of belonging and safety, and there was a significant increase in experiences of discrimination. Most did not complete secondary education, instead seeking further technical training or employment. Many were not part of an intact family, and family instability was a feature of their lives, with family support weakening over time. This may be why they valued their wider ethnic community. Most experienced discrimination or violence because of their ethnicity, religion or colour. Despite their often traumatic lives prior to arrival, they exhibited considerable personal strengths, but nevertheless faced many challenges. This, coupled with the burdens shouldered by their families, had an impact on their ability to reach their full potential in the early years of settlement in Australia. Perhaps because of the large number of immigrants, there has been considerable research in Australia about the possible impact of music in supporting their integration. For young children, playground games provide a mechanism through which they can be included in the school environment while retaining connections with their home cultures (Marsh and Dieckmann, 2016; 2017). Marsh (2016) explored how music participation, specifically participation in musical play, could contribute to the wellbeing of newly-arrived refugee and migrant children, providing new musical and social beginnings. Specific reference was made to children from Iraq, South Sudan and Sierra Leone in Australia, Punjabi children in the UK and newly arrived Central and South American immigrants in the USA. In a school catering for newly-arrived immigrants, music was used to support acculturation and integration (Marsh, 2012a; 2012b). Young people aged 12 to 18 years old participated in musical activities designed to provide opportunities for cultural maintenance, cross-cultural transmission and verbal and non-verbal communication, with a view to developing interpersonal connections, social cohesion and empowerment through varied learning, teaching and performance opportunities. Participation in performance in a major school concert was important in achieving these aims. The key outcomes for students included feelings of belonging to the school community, the wider Australian community, as well as to a global music community, reached through various technological media (Marsh, 2012a; 2012b). Marsh (2015) focused on the collaborative music and dance activities of a Sierra Leone youth group attending an intensive English language centre for newly arrived students. For these marginalised young people, the music and dance activities, conceived within a socially just framework, provided opportunities for participatory parity, cultural justice and social inclusion within communities from both the home and host cultures.

Also in Australia, Crawford (2017; 2019) reported the findings of a case study that investigated the impact of music education on students in a school in Victoria. Music education was used as a vehicle to engage young people with a refugee background. The findings indicated that classroom music which fostered socially inclusive practices resulted in a positive transcultural learning space, which supported young refugees, fostering a sense of wellbeing and belonging and an enhanced engagement with learning. While some of these benefits were not always clearly distinguished from the more general experience of school, the students did identify some elements of music-learning and teaching that they linked to these outcomes. In a multiple case study of three schools in Victoria, Crawford (2020) explored the perceptions, experiences and practices of teachers directly or indirectly involved with music education in schools that had a high percentage of young people with a refugee background. Intercultural competence and socially inclusive behaviours were seamlessly embedded in the music learning activities on offer. These were student-centred, active, practical, experiential and authentic.

Also in Australia, Lenette and colleagues studied a group of music facilitators who regularly attended an immigration transit accommodation facility to share music and singing activities with detained asylum seekers. The monthly written observations of the facilitators were analysed and revealed links between music and singing and the health and wellbeing of detained asylum-seekers related to humanisation, community, resilience and agency. Sunderland and colleagues (2015) reported the outcomes of an exploratory narrative study on the impact of participatory music-making on the social determinants of health and wellbeing of refugees in Brisbane. They mapped reported outcomes for five refugee and asylum-seeker members of a participatory Brisbane-based music initiative, the Scattered People. Three key aspects were critical for wellbeing: cultural expression, music-making, and the consolidation of personal and social identity. Cain and colleagues (2020), using qualitative methods, explored how participatory music-making within immigrant communities could influence wellbeing. Three broadly defined cultural groups living in the region participated: people of Baltic origin, from Latin American and Caribbean backgrounds, and newly arrived immigrants and refugees. Individual interviews were analysed and showed how musical involvement affected mental, social and emotional wellbeing. Focusing on the staff of a refugee and asylum-seeker music programme, Sunderland and colleagues (2016) showed that they shared a common concern for promoting social justice using music participation, creation and dissemination.

Some research in Australia has been concerned with the experiences of migrant musicians. Mani (2020) investigated the multiple and often marginalised ways of being, knowing, educating and performing in migrant musicians in South East Queensland. The wide range of activities that they undertook in their new homes not only built their capacity but also added culturally derived value to their lives and the lives of those that they encountered. Three key features were central to their lives and livelihoods: connectedness, self-identity, and wellbeing. Magowan (2019) considered how complex emotional dynamics emerged between music facilitators, music producers and asylum-seekers as they variously navigated experiences of dislocation and replacement. The recounting of painful journeys immersed singers and music producers in reciprocal recognition and reimagining of events in an empathic process, empowering asylum-seekers and Aboriginal Australians through their songs.

As in Australia, a considerable body of research has been undertaken in Norway. In 2020 just over four percent (238,291) of the Norwegian population had a refugee background. In the region of 21,000 of these refugees were children between six and fifteen years of age (Statistics Norway, 2020). In 1989, the Norwegian concert agency initiated a three-year programme of introducing multicultural music-teaching in Norwegian primary schools. Eighteen schools in and around the capital took part in a research project to determine the effects of immigrant musicians introducing the music of their countries of origin to fourth-grade children. Positive results emerged, particularly with regard to reduced harassment and ethnic tension. Multicultural music is now regularly on the school concert agenda, with a total of 3,000 such concerts having been presented to more than a quarter of the total Norwegian school population (Skyllstad (1995; 1997). Skyllstad (2000) initiated a three-year research project aimed at understanding the cultural traditions of immigrant communities in Oslo, and preventing discriminatory attitudes. The project also aimed at releasing and promoting the artistic talents and resources in immigrant communities through cooperation with leading artists from countries of origin in the fields of music and dance. Participating schools benefited from the programme through improved interethnic relationships, a reduction in incidents of harassment and the enhanced self-image of immigrant children, who were more easily accepted. Other intercultural initiatives followed. A multicultural music centre was founded, which arranged a yearly world music festival. Similar projects have been established—for instance, Einarsen (1998) and Fock (2004)—but have generally had less positive outcomes than those reported by Skyllstad (1995; 1997). Bergh (2007) followed up the performances of traditional folk and classical music by musicians from the home countries of immigrant groups 13 years later and found that, although participants recalled the programme and enjoyed it at the time, it had had little impact on their daily lives and their relationships with other groups as they did not see any connections between the musical performances, the musicians or the populations of these countries. In contrast, Enge and Stige (2021) explored music therapy in a public primary school in a rural area of Western Norway which focused on refugee children’s social wellbeing, with an emphasis on their peer community. The children who were offered music therapy faced various challenges, including living in difficult home situations or struggling academically or socially. The music therapy had a participatory and exploratory character, and successfully nurtured the children’s capacity to regulate their emotions and engage in social participation.

Studying a refugee camp in Greece where people from Iraq and Syria had been living for up to a year, Millar and Warwick (2018) aimed to improve understanding of the relationship between music and the wellbeing of young refugees aged 11 to 18. Data were collected over a five-week period through observation of individual music lessons and group music workshops involving between three to twelve participants and semi-structured interviews. The findings showed that actively making music could impact positively on young people’s wellbeing, enabling the development of emotional expression, improved social relations, self-knowledge, positive self-identification and a sense of agency. In London, Clini and colleagues (2019) undertook a collaborative study using focus groups and in-depth semi-structured interviews with asylum-seekers and refugees, and showed that participants articulated the impact of creative activities around three main themes: skills, social engagement and personal emotions. The activities helped participants to find a voice, create support networks and learn practical skills useful in the labour market.

In Wales, Vougioukalou and colleagues (2019), using observations and interviews, explored the effect of participating in weekly structured musical activities and improvisation, as well as at public performances. They observed that improvisation encouraged individual unscripted performances, instilled confidence in solo performance, gave individuals who had experienced displacement and marginalisation a chance to lead in a safe, performative space, gave other participants a chance to follow and accompany these compositions instrumentally or vocally (drawing on their own cultural traditions, thus creating innovative cross-cultural pieces), and provided participants and audience members with a unique and irreplicable experience that triggered their imaginations, prompting questions and further discussion between participants. These findings suggest that the combination of structured and improvisational musical activity can help to foster a sense of wellbeing and social inclusion, change power dynamics, create opportunities for cross-cultural dialogue and create a community out of people from different locations and situations. The Welsh choral tradition and arts in the local community provided a receptive environment for this diverse group of performers, connecting them to the wider local community arts scene that led to individual, collective and wider societal benefits. In the USA, Muriithi (2020), using interviews and observations of performances, explored the lived experience of six refugee musicians who had been involved in music prior to entering the USA. Traumatic experiences resulted in their fleeing from their homes to seek refuge elsewhere. After being resettled in the United States, they continued to suffer from the experience of loss, the need to adapt and change, and the struggle with trauma and negative emotions. Music was their method of healing trauma and facilitating integration. It supported healing, enabling them to forget problems, communicate a message of hope and integrate, thus reducing isolation and loneliness.

In a review, Henderson and colleagues (2017) identified the possible positive health and wellbeing outcomes of participatory music activities for culturally and linguistically diverse people who could be described as vulnerable or at risk in particular migrant populations. They concluded that there was insufficient evidence from the existing research to draw clear conclusions. Similarly, Lennette and Sunderland (2016) mapped the potential for participatory music practices to support health and wellbeing outcomes for asylum-seekers and refugees in conflict settings, refugee camps and resettlement contexts. The findings highlighted the different roles that music had in people’s lives as they moved towards resettlement, and how music might support health and wellbeing in this population.

Social Inclusion

There have been several approaches to defining social inclusion. An overarching approach considers it in terms of the interaction between psychological and sociological factors, including:

motivation;
loneliness;
self-efficacy;
anxiety;
self-esteem;
self-regulation;
identity;
development;
feelings of contentment and belonging;
social relationships and networks;
group coherence and dynamics;
marginalisation;
integration;
interaction;
social sharing; and
enabling social relations (Baumeister et al., 2005).

As considered in earlier chapters, music can play a role in enhancing social inclusion in many everyday situations rather than being limited to those relating to large-scale conflict. Music-making has been used to support children and young people who are at risk through poverty, prejudice, disaffection or involvement with the judicial system. For instance, Ho and colleagues (2011) reported positive changes in wellbeing and mental health following a drumming intervention with low-income children, while Barrett and Bond (2015) found that participation in a music programme enhanced the musical, academic and social competence and confidence, connection, character and caring of students in four socioeconomically disadvantaged school settings. Similarly, Fanian and colleagues (2015) evaluated a creative arts workshop for Tłįchǫ youth in circumpolar, arctic and subarctic regions which enabled young people perceived as ‘at risk’ to explore critical community issues and find solutions together using the arts. Observations, focus groups, questionnaires and reflective practice were adopted. Participating young people reported gaining confidence and new skills, artistic and personal. Many found the workshops to be engaging, enjoyable and culturally relevant, and they expressed an interest in continuing their involvement with the arts and spreading their messages through art to other young people and others in their communities. However, the short-term nature of some programmes makes drawing conclusions about their efficacy difficult. For instance, Millar and colleagues (2020) reported on a project involving 16 sessions of participatory music-making with 32 hard-to-reach young people aged 12 to 17, which aimed to engage them on their own terms through music that resonated with their lived experience, but their need for stability required more long-term engagement.

In the UK, positive benefits for self-efficacy and self-esteem have been found for looked-after children (Dillon, 2010) and those in the criminal justice system (Daykin et al., 2012). Programmes for juvenile offenders have successfully addressed complex mental health symptoms and behavioural regulation difficulties, and increased academic performance and family functioning (Bittman et al., 2009; Rapp-Paglicci et al., 2012) Coutinho and colleagues (2015a; 2015b), in two reviews, showed the possible benefits of a range of music interventions with adult offenders, while in Norway, Waakter and colleagues (2004) researched the impact of music on young people who had experienced serious and multiple life stresses. Cain and colleagues (2016) carried out a review to explore whether participatory music activities could promote positive outcomes for young people from culturally and linguistically diverse communities characterised as ‘at risk’, and reported a range of positive wellbeing and health outcomes, in addition to enhanced cultural empathy.

Delgado (2018) argued that the performing arts can be implemented effectively to attract young people in schools, out-of-school settings, or what has been referred to as the ‘third area’ between school and family. The latter are non-stigmatising, community-based venues that can supplement or enhance formal education, providing a counter-narrative for young people to enable them to resist the labels placed on them, serving as a vehicle for reactivity and self-expression. The performing arts can support creative expression that can be transformative for individuals and communities. Group music-making offers the opportunity to engage in wider cultural experiences and explore new ideas, places and perspectives; it supports social cohesion through broadening experiences (Israel, 2012). Benefits can extend beyond those for participants to include families and whole communities (Creech et al., 2016)

Some research has been undertaken in the context of school music education. Early research in Switzerland showed that increasing the amount of class music within the curriculum did not have a detrimental effect on language and reading skills, despite a reduction in time in these lessons (Spychiger, et al., 1993; Zulauf, 1993), but led to increased social cohesion within class, greater self-reliance, better social adjustment and more positive attitudes. These effects were particularly marked in low-ability, disaffected pupils (Spychiger et al., 1993). In Finland, Eerola and Eerola (2013) studied 735 children, some of whom participated in extended music education classes from age nine for four hours each week, compared with just over 80 minutes for the remaining children. By the end of the programme, the children receiving additional classes reported a more positive classroom climate and more satisfaction with school life. However, those attending the additional classes were selected because of their strong musical skills. This may have influenced the outcomes, although other factors may have been important, including shared musical interests, positive feedback from public performance, intense emotional experiences, feelings of affiliation and the prosocial effects of joint musical activities.

In a national study of 2000 children in the UK, Sing Up, those who were relatively more musically skilled were more likely to report themselves as being more socially included (Welch et al., 2010). Later analysis (Welch et al., 2014) matched data from 6087 participants following three years of the Sing Up project, and suggested that engagement in musical activities impacted on sense of self and sense of social integration irrespective of age, sex and ethnicity. Similarly, Rinta and colleagues (2011) explored the connections between children’s musical backgrounds and their feelings of social inclusion. Data were gathered from 110 eight- to eleven-year-old children in the UK and Finland. The findings showed that those children who played a musical instrument or sang with their family or friends regularly felt more socially included.

In Spain, Almau (2005) found that extracurricular musical activities contributed towards increased school attendance and social inclusion in Roma children. Also in Spain, Musicalizatech (a project that promoted musical creativity in secondary and high-school students) showed a clear impact on participants in relation to the development of social and emotional skills, problem-solving and teamwork, the development of technological skills, and creative processes (Cuadrado et al., 2017). In contrast, in the USA, Gerrard (2021) found through interviews with students, band leaders, teachers, parents and administrators that a middle-school band programme with Latinx students did not meet their needs as they were uncomfortable with the band model and wanted more creative work with music that was familiar to them.

Music teachers face a range of challenges related to social inclusion. They have to decide whether it is part of their role to address such issues. For instance, Evron (2007), working as an art educator in Israel, considered whether teachers of the arts should ignore the violent experiences of their students, relate the curriculum to address such problems, or simply expect creative activities to enable students to express their fears and life experiences, avoiding political issues. A further issue is whether teachers of the arts should respond to the challenges of re-engaging disaffected young people through inclusive teaching practices or go beyond this in some way (Burnard, 2008). In a review, Karlsen and Westerlund (2010) argued that the musical education of immigrant students could be seen as a healthy test for any educational context in terms of how democracy is enacted. Bates (2012) considered issues relating to social class in school music, and concluded that there is a need to provide free and equitable music education for all students, understand and respect their cultural backgrounds, and also recognise the social forces that perpetuate poverty. Several authors have commented on the lack of equity in opportunities for different groups. In England, Griffiths (2020) found that female, black and minority-ethnic students were well represented in elite music education, but were very poorly represented in the professional repertoire, where 99 percent of performed pieces were by white composers and 98 percent by men. Treacy (2020) found that the challenges female musician teachers encountered in pursuit of their careers in Nepal were not addressed in shared visions of music education. In the USA, Palmer (2017) considered how music educators could address issues of discrimination that appeared to be beyond their control. Also in the USA, Baird (2001) interviewed nine teachers to investigate how they engaged preschool- and elementary-aged children in singing and talking about social justice issues, the barriers that they perceived to this practice in schools and society, and how parents, educators and song-makers could bring about changes that would improve the ability of children to sing for social justice in American schools and the wider society.

In the relatively recent past, the arts in general have been used to attempt to address social inequality, the uneven distribution of wealth or resources and inequity, unfair differences in society, and the environment in wealthy and poor countries around the world (Parkinson et al., 2013). For instance, in Ireland, a study in a deprived area of Cork explored the impact of a wide music education project on the feelings of social inclusion exhibited by local residents. The findings indicated that music could be used as a tool to tackle social exclusion and educational disadvantage (Minguella and Buchanan, 2009). In Tasmania, Langston and Barrett (2008) examined social capital in a community choir using a survey, field notes and semi-structured interviews. Many social capital indicators were evident in the choir: shared norms and values, trust, civic and community involvement, networks, knowledge resources, and contact with families and friends. Fellowship was identified as a key component in fostering group cohesion and the development of social capital. Laing and Mair (2015) studied the role of music festivals in helping to build strong and cohesive communities and found that the organisation of festivals might contribute to social inclusion through providing opportunities for local participation, learning new skills, and access to education about social justice, although organisers tended to direct their social inclusion efforts towards attendees rather than reaching out to local residents, limiting the impact on the local community and social inclusion more generally.

Overview

The evidence relating to the role of music in social cohesion demonstrates only too clearly the power of music. It has been successfully used to promote prejudice and enhance national identities for political purposes. It has been used to bolster the morale of those engaged in warfare and to humiliate and terrorise opponents. Attempts to use music positively to promote social cohesion in those already or previously engaged in conflict have had limited success and, in some cases, have highlighted differences between groups, exacerbating problems. Active music-making may offer some support in breaking down barriers between different ethnic or religious groups, but its effectiveness in any given situation depends on the depth and strength of existing prejudices and the current political climate. As we have seen in Chapters 14 and 15, music therapy can offer support to those traumatised by conflict and can enhance the self-beliefs of members of marginalised groups. Those engaged in music education are faced with challenges in deciding whether they should overtly address issues relating to prejudice in their classes, consistently adopt inclusive teaching strategies, or narrowly focus their teaching on musical issues.