1.4 Brief conclusion

The shift from pre-colonial circumstances to colonisation and colonial land control—including for conservation—was clearly very dramatic. By the beginning of World War 1, Indigenous Namibians had been radically disembedded from the land, murdered in droves, or otherwise transformed into a proletariat that laboured for the new colonial regime.316 Indigenous fauna had been very negatively impacted through commercial hunting primarily by colonists, facilitated by the availability of firearms. The management and governance of so-called game throughout the territory had been appropriated by the state, and placed into the hands of militarised police. These are the circumstances taken up by the incoming British Protectorate and South African administration after 1915, as considered in detail in Chapter 2.

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NAN-ZBU 440 D IVf, vol. 1: 45–49, Dr Hartmann’s report to Lt. Ziegler [with instruction from von Lindequist to send to Berlin], Marked secret, 13.12.1897.

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NAN-ZBU 440 D IVf, vol. 1: 189–91, Officer [Hauptmann] Kaiser to Imperial Provincial Government, Windhoek, 3.2.1898 [received 19.2.1898].

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van Warmelo, N.J. 1962[1951]. Notes on the Kaokoveld (South West Africa) and its People. Pretoria: Dept. of Bantu Administration, Ethnological Publications 26.

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  1. 1 Acknowledgements: We are grateful to Dag Henrichsen of the Basler Afrika Bibliographien for very helpful comments on a draft version of this chapter.

  2. 2 Siiskonen (1990)

  3. 3 Their journeys and observations have been mapped from the narratives they wrote at https://www.etosha-kunene-histories.net/wp4-spatialising-colonialities

  4. 4 Wallace (2011: 60–61); also Henrichsen (2011: 30)

  5. 5 Galton (1890[1853]: 35, 38–39)

  6. 6 Ibid., pp. 38–39

  7. 7 See Sullivan et al. (2021) for a detailed account of how the introduction of firearms decimated black and white rhino (Diceros bicornis bicornis and Ceratotherium simum) in the territory.

  8. 8 Rookmaaker (2007: 126–27)

  9. 9 Galton (1852: 151)

  10. 10 Siiskonen (1990: 76–79, 82–83, and references therein)

  11. 11 Note that authors use ‘Owambo’ and ‘Ovambo’ to refer to oshiWambo-speaking peoples of north-central Namibia. ‘Ovambo’ is often used in older texts.

  12. 12 Siiskonen (1990: 84–85), Engoombe Kapeke in Bollig & Mbunguha (1997: 202), Bollig (1997: 22), Rizzo (2012: 42)

  13. 13 Andersson (1861: 183–84)

  14. 14 Galton (1890[1853]: 68–70); also Lau (1994[1987])

  15. 15 Siiskonen (1990: 82)

  16. 16 Rizzo (2012: 41), Bollig & Olwage (2016: 63)

  17. 17 Rizzo (2012: 41)

  18. 18 Wallace (2011: 66)

  19. 19 Hayes (1998: 181)

  20. 20 JHA Kinahan (2000: 19); also Henrichsen (2010: 98)

  21. 21 Hahn & Rath (1859: 299–300)

  22. 22 McKiernan (1954: 59–60)

  23. 23 This term is considered derogatory (Elphick 1977: xv). No offence is meant by its occasional inclusion when quoting directly from historical texts, in which the term denotes a specific ethnic and cultural identity for Khoekhoegowab-speaking peoples, usually pastoralists known today as Nama or Khoe/Khoikhoi. It is included only when quoting directly from historical material, with the intention of drawing into focus the past presence of Khoekhoegowab-speaking peoples who are often marginalised or negatively presented in work concerning north-west Namibia.

  24. 24 Rudner & Rudner [Möller] (1974[1899]: 61); also Rizzo (2012: 33, 37)

  25. 25 Ibid., p. 53

  26. 26 Jacobsohn (1998[1990]: 14), Rizzo (2012: 54)

  27. 27 NAN ADM 156 W 32 General Kaokoland report [and ‘Manning Map’] by Major Manning 15.11.1917: 2

  28. 28 Rizzo (2012: 53–54)

  29. 29 Vita Thom is referring here to a serious skirmish with the AaNdonga Chief Nangolo who deployed warriors with bows and arrows to prevent their departure. Men accompanying Hahn at the rear of their party were attacked; Green shot dead a warrior who appears to have been the brother-in-law of Chief Nangolo; the party was nearly encircled, retreating only when the use of firearms and especially Green’s elephant rifle put their attackers to flight, causing a number of Nangolo’s men fall, including his son (Lau/Andersson 1987: 90–93; Siiskonen 1990: 99–100).

  30. 30 Statement taken by Major C.N. Manning at “Zesfontein” (Sesfontein), Kaokoveld, in the presence of Lt. Olivier (the officer in charge of the expedition and patrol who previously was an official of native affairs for three years in the Transvaal), Manning Diary Notes 23, 26.8.1917, 2nd M.C. from Native Chief Vita, alias OORLOG or ORO, on 19.8.1917, National Archives of Namibia.

  31. 31 Oorlam Nama were Khoekhoe/Nama who in the Cape Colony had acquired horses, firearms, wagons, the Dutch language and Christianity (Lau 1994[1987]; Dedering 1997; Wallace 2011).

  32. 32 Rizzo (2012: 54)

  33. 33 Ibid., p. 36

  34. 34 In the wake of the abolition of slavery in the 1830s and the new freedoms of “coloured” peoples of the Cape (under Ordinance 50 of 1828), several thousand “Trekboers” ‘abandon[ed] their farms and settlements in the Cape to embark on their famous Great Trek’: some pushed into Nama lands south of the Orange/Gariep [!Garib] River, contributing to the movement of Nama northwards over the Orange (Olusoga & Erichsen 2010: 23); others moved east to the Transvaal, and in the 1870s trekked west across the Kalahari towards present-day Grootfontein in Namibia, and thence to north-west Namibia and southern Angola (Rizzo 2012: 37).

  35. 35 Ibid.

  36. 36 JHA Kinahan (2000: 19) after Lau (1994[1987]: 143); also Siiskonen (1990) and Henrichsen (2011: 128–29)

  37. 37 Reviewed in Rizzo (2012: 29).

  38. 38 Historically, the ethnonym “Dama-ra” is based on an exonym, i.e. an external name for a group of people, “Dama” being the name given by Nama for darker-skinned people generally (with “-ra” ‘referring to either third person feminine or common gender plural’ (Haacke 2018: 140). Since Nama(qua) pastoralists were often those whom early European colonial travellers first encountered in the western part of southern Africa, the latter took on this application of the term “Dama”. This usage gave rise to a confusing situation in the historical literature whereby the term “Damara”, as well as the central part of Namibia that in the 1800s was known as “Damaraland”, tended to refer to cattle pastoralists known to themselves as ovaHerero. The terms “Hill Damaras” (also “Berg-Dama”, “!hom Dama” and the derogatory “klip kaffir”) and “Plains Damaras” (also “Cattle Damara” and “Gomadama”) were used to distinguish contemporary Damaraūkhoen (i.e. Khoekhoegowab-speakers) from speakers of the Bantu language otjiHerero.

  39. 39 Siiskonen (1990: 123, 176)

  40. 40 Stals (1991: 45, 48)

  41. 41 Henrichsen (2010: 101)

  42. 42 Stals (1991: 49)

  43. 43 Esterhuyse (1968: 17); also Stals (1991: 49–50), Henrichsen (2011: 325)

  44. 44 Stals (1991: 36)

  45. 45 Palgrave (1961[1877]: 50–51)

  46. 46 Ibid., p. 50.

  47. 47 Ibid., p. 83.

  48. 48 Ibid., p. 94.

  49. 49 Rudner & Rudner (2004: 61–62).

  50. 50 Presumably Otjozondjupa (Waterberg), also known as !Hos.

  51. 51 Rudner & Rudner (2004: 61–62).

  52. 52 Bollig (1997: 15)

  53. 53 Rizzo (2012: 36)

  54. 54 Hayes (2009: 242)

  55. 55 Rudner & Rudner (1974[1899]: 41), Suzman (2017: 82)

  56. 56 Rudner & Rudner (1974[1899]: 41–42)

  57. 57 Rizzo (2012: 40, 42–43), the latter point based on McKittrick (2002: 55); also see Bollig & Olwage (2016: 63) referencing Siiskonen (1990)

  58. 58 JHA Kinahan (2000: 19) drawing on Cape of Good Hope (1881: 101)

  59. 59 Esterhuyse (1968: 31), Henrichsen (2011: 128–29), Wallace (2011: 54)

  60. 60 Bridgeford (2018: 12).

  61. 61 See, for example, the Palgrave Commissions in Stals (1991).

  62. 62 Esterhuyse (1968: 21–22)

  63. 63 Rudner & Rudner (1974: 188)

  64. 64 Ibid., pp. 188–189

  65. 65 Rudner & Rudner (2006), Johansson (2007)

  66. 66 Craven (2005: 24).

  67. 67 Lemaitre (2016: 15, 73); also Kranz (2016)

  68. 68 Galton (1852: 140–141); also see Hayes (2009: 243–245)

  69. 69 Sullivan (2021), Sullivan & Ganuses (2022)

  70. 70 Galton (1852: 141)

  71. 71 Dieckmann (2007a: 38–44)

  72. 72 Owen-Smith (1972: 32–33)

  73. 73 Wilmsen (1989: 92), Bollig & Mbunguha (1997), Rizzo (2012: 47), Heydinger (2023)

  74. 74 Bollig (1998: 164)

  75. 75 Statement taken by Major C.N. Manning at Zesfontein, Kaokoveld from Native Chief Vita, 19.8.1917, National Archives of Namibia.

  76. 76 Sullivan (2003), Pellis (2011), Pellis et al. (2015), Mumbuu (2023)

  77. 77 Bollig (1997: 13)

  78. 78 Ibid.

  79. 79 Welhelmina Suro Ganuses pers. comm., Swakopmund, 27.9.2023.

  80. 80 Bollig (1997: 13–14)

  81. 81 Ibid., p. 14

  82. 82 Ibid. See Friedman (2014[2011]: chs. 8 & 9) for a detailed discussion of competing ancestral claims and associated genealogical narratives informing establishment of the Kaoko, ovaTjimba and Vita Thom Royal House Traditional Authorities in contemporary times. Also see Chapters 6 and 7.

  83. 83 Bollig (1997: 15), Katjira Muniombara in Bollig & Mbunguha (1997: 221). Elsewhere, the descriptor “Battle of the Shields” refers to ovaHerero conflict with Tswanas using shields, who moved east to west into territory that had been claimed by ovaHerero, after 1820 and prior to Jonker Afrikaner (Kakuuoko) becoming established in the vicinity of Windhoek (A. Kaputu in Heywood et al. 1985: 91–92).

  84. 84 Owen-Smith (1972: 32–33), Green (1953[1952]: 38–39, 46)

  85. 85 Heydinger (2023: 90–91); also Bollig (1998: 164, 2009: 330) and Owen-Smith (2010: 52)

  86. 86 Hartmann (1897: 137), Bollig (1997: 11, 13). Note that the place name tended to be spelt ‘Franzfontein’ during the German colonial period, but ‘Fransfontein’ later on.

  87. 87 Bollig & Olwage (2016: 63); also Bollig (1997: 15–16)

  88. 88 Rizzo (2012: 33)

  89. 89 Bollig (1997: 16)

  90. 90 Powell (1998: 21) after Owen-Smith (1972: 32), Hall-Martin et al. (1988: 57–58) and Jacobsohn (1998[1990]: 14)

  91. 91 Bollig (1997: 16–17)

  92. 92 Rizzo (2012: 50–51)

  93. 93 Ibid., p. 54. Oral history interviews by S. Sullivan and W.S. Ganuses confirm this particular narrative. Ruben Sanib and Sophia |Awises (Mai Go Ha, 24.10.2014) described how ‘Oloxa’ [Oorlog/Vita Tom] chased otjiHerero-speakers southwards from a place they referred to as ǂGâiǂgâisoma ‘behind Opuwo’. Negotiations with the Nama leadership in Sesfontein led to those fleeing Oloxa to settle at ǂGubitas west of Sesfontein, now referred to in otjiHerero as Otjindagwe. The late August Kasaona (ǂGubitas/Otjindagwe, 11.11.2015) confirmed that: ‘[s]o they run because of the war. There was war among them and others they are related to. That’s why they run from that place to Otjindagwe. […] when they came here they already knew some Nama people (kuena) in this place and they were accommodated in this place by Namas. […] they were given settlement in this place by Namas—their forefathers, grand, grand-fathers. They came with livestock, large livestock [cattle]’.

    NB: All oral histories reported in this chapter were carried out by S. Sullivan and W.S. Ganuses.

  94. 94 As reported in oral history interviews with Ruben Sanib, Bukuba-ǂnoahes, 22.2.2015, and Julia Tauros, Sesfontein, 19.5.2019.

  95. 95 Summarising Ruben Sanib, Bukuba-ǂnoahes, 22.2.2015.

  96. 96 Rizzo (2012: 3–7, 15–16)

  97. 97 Lau (1994[1987]: 42)

  98. 98 Stals (1991: 80); Lau (1994[1987]: 117)

  99. 99 Siiskonen (1990: 101); also Henrichsen (2011: 88)

  100. 100 NAN SWAA 2513 A552 Minutes of meeting held at Ohopoho from 7 to 16.4.1952, pp. 3, 5.

  101. 101 Lau/Andersson (1987: 104), Henrichsen (2011: 132). In 1855, for example, Swartbooi were negotiating a contract with a prospector for the potential mining of copper in the Rehoboth area, south of Windhoek, hundreds of kilometres away from the Kaokoveld (Lau/Andersson 1987: vi-vii).

  102. 102 A son of Jonker Afrikaner. Jonker had died in 1861.

  103. 103 Lau/Andersson (1987: 99, 104), Wallace (2011: 69)

  104. 104 Lau (1994[1987]: 133, and references therein); also see Henrichsen (2011: 217)

  105. 105 Owen-Smith (1972: 32–33), Bollig (1998: 164, 2009: 330), Heydinger (2023: 90–91)

  106. 106 Stals (1991: 52)

  107. 107 Ibid., p. 134 and references therein; also Wallace (2011: 61)

  108. 108 Lau/Andersson (1987: 104), |Uirab (2007: 21–22)

  109. 109 Köhler (1969: 110)

  110. 110 Rudner & Rudner (2004[1872]: 37)

  111. 111 Palgrave (1969[1877]: 25, 73), Lau/Andersson (1987: 100, 104). Abraham was the son of Willem Swartbooi and Anna !Abes, m. to Sara |Hoa|aras and |Kurisas, and father with |Kurisas of Lazarus Swartbooi—see |Uirab (2007: 21–22).

  112. 112 Palgrave (1961[1877]: 25, 75); Stals (1991: 65)

  113. 113 Ibid., p. 222

  114. 114 In Köhler (1969: 111), also Palgrave (1961[1877]), Stals (1991)

  115. 115 As documented through a visit to them by Galton and Andersson in 1850 (Galton 1890[1853]: 50).

  116. 116 Vigne (1994: 7)

  117. 117 Köhler (1969: 111); also Otto Charles |Uirab, Acting Chief of the Swartbooi Nama Traditional Authority, pers. comm., meeting with S. Sullivan and W.S. Ganuses, Fransfontein, 18.9.2023.

  118. 118 Henrichsen (2011: 171, 174), translated by Sullivan from German with the help of Deepl Translate.

  119. 119 Drechsler (1966: 21)

  120. 120 Esterhuyse (1968: 29 and references therein)

  121. 121 Ibid.

  122. 122 Ibid.

  123. 123 Ibid., p. 31

  124. 124 Stals (1991: 328, 336)

  125. 125 Esterhuyse (1968: 36)

  126. 126 Riechmann (n.d.: 2)

  127. 127 Henrichsen (2011: 187)

  128. 128 Palgrave 1880 in Stals (1991: 329–30)

  129. 129 Henrichsen (2008: 63–64); see Stals (1991: 357)

  130. 130 van Warmelo (1962[1951]: 41), Vigne (1994: 8)

  131. 131 Rizzo (2012: 32, 107)

  132. 132 Ibid., pp. 32, 45, 107

  133. 133 Ibid., pp. 32–33

  134. 134 Ibid., pp. 45–46

  135. 135 Ibid., pp. 32, 60, and references therein

  136. 136 Ibid., p. 46

  137. 137 Franz |Haen ǁHoëb, Dubis, 9.5.2019.

  138. 138 Owen-Smith (2010), Bollig (2020), Heydinger (2023)

  139. 139 Sullivan (2022)

  140. 140 Blümel et al. (2009: 136), J Kinahan (2020: 263)

  141. 141 Dieckmann (2007a), Sullivan & Ganuses (2020, 2021a), ǁGaroes (2021)

  142. 142 Reviewed in Sullivan & Ganuses (2020)

  143. 143 Bollig (2020)

  144. 144 Bollig & Heinemann-Bollig (2004: 270, italics in the original)

  145. 145 Dr Hartmann’s report to Lt. Ziegler [with instruction from von Lindequist to send to Berlin], Marked secret, 13.12.1897, NAN-ZBU 440 D IVf, vol. 1: 45–49. All NAN-ZBU 440 D IVf documents were transcribed from German Kurrent handwritten texts by historian Wolfram Hartmann, translated into English by Sian Sullivan with the help of DeepL Translator, the translations being checked by Hartmann.

  146. 146 Galton (1852: 144)

  147. 147 Ibid., p. 157, ǁGaroes (2021)

  148. 148 Köhler (1969: 106); also see Moritz (1992: 5)

  149. 149 Alexander (2006[1838], vol. 2: 72–74, 102)

  150. 150 Hoernlé (1925); also see Budack (1983: 5) and Vigne (1994: 6)

  151. 151 Sullivan (2003), Pellis (2011)

  152. 152 Esterhuyse (1968: 47, 52); also Olusoga & Erichsen (2010: 38)

  153. 153 Esterhuyse (1968: 39–40)

  154. 154 Ibid., pp. 46–62

  155. 155 Ibid., p. 128, Drechsler (1966: 69, 95)

  156. 156 Gordon (2009: 39), Muschalek (2020[2019])

  157. 157 |Uirab (2007: 22)

  158. 158 Esterhuyse (1968: 95). Rizzo (2012: 32) writes that Belck finds Otjitambi occupied by Topnaar (!Gomen) and Swartbooi families under Jan |Uixamab’s (!Gomen) leadership.

  159. 159 Henrichsen (2010: 104)

  160. 160 Esterhuyse (1968: 94)

  161. 161 Ibid., p. 95

  162. 162 Förster et al. (2016: online)

  163. 163 Esterhuyse (1968: 95); also Rudner & Rudner (2007: 170)

  164. 164 Rizzo (2012: 63–64); also see Hesse (1906: 98), Esterhuyse (1968: 107), Rudner & Rudner (2007: 170)

  165. 165 Rizzo (2012: 63–65)

  166. 166 Ibid.

  167. 167 Esterhuyse (1968: 107)

  168. 168 Riechmann (n.d.), |Uirab (2007: 22), Schnegg & Pauli (2007: 12), Rizzo (2012: 68)

  169. 169 Schnegg & Pauli (2007: 12), Schnegg (2007: 251–52)

  170. 170 Moritz (2015: 9)

  171. 171 Kranz (2016: 78)

  172. 172 Schinz (1891: 140–141)

  173. 173 As recorded in interviews in Sesfontein with Nathan ǂÛina Taurob (1995-96), Philippine |Hairo ǁNowaxas (1999) and Ruben Sanib (2015–2019).

  174. 174 Köhler (1959: 35)

  175. 175 Ibid., p. 68

  176. 176 Dieckmann (2007a: 48) and references therein.

  177. 177 Vandenbergh (2010: 245)

  178. 178 Mouton (1995: 52); also Dieckmann (2007a: 48) drawing on Gordon (1992: 41)

  179. 179 Dieckmann (2007a: 48); also Mouton (1995: 52) and the detailed fictionalised account by historian W.A. de Klerk (1977)

  180. 180 Gordon (1992: 41)

  181. 181 Dieckmann (2007a: 48–49) and references therein

  182. 182 Ibid.

  183. 183 Ibid., p. 49 drawing especially on Mouton (1995: 54) and Schinz (1891: 352); also Gordon (1992: 41)

  184. 184 Union of South Africa (1918: 148), Gordon (2009: 38)

  185. 185 ZBU W II.2043, cited by Gordon (1989: 145), original reproduced in Friederich (2009: 54–55). Also see Dieckmann (2007a: 66). According to Gordon (1998: 146) Aribib was later (1904) shot near Namutoni on the instructions of Owambo Chief Nehale, for killing ovaHerero at Namutoni during the German-Herero war, 1904–1908. Friederich, drawing on the memories of an elderly Haiǁom man, Jan ǁOreseb, explains instead that an ǂArixab, seemingly the same person, was first chased by ovaHerero because he had supported the Germans in the war, and was eventually struck dead by the Herero (Friederich 2009: 59). Although a recipient of a pension from the German government, Aribib reportedly later joined the rebellion against expanding colonial rule (Rohrbach 1909: 142). For further discussion see Chapter 15.

  186. 186 Esterhuyse (1968: 92–93), Owen-Smith (1972: 29)

  187. 187 Hartmann (1897: 118)

  188. 188 Sullivan & Ganuses (2021a), Sullivan (2022)

  189. 189 Esterhuyse (1968: 202), Bollig & Heinemann (2002: 271), Rizzo (2012: 63–64)

  190. 190 Hartmann (1897)

  191. 191 Rudner & Rudner (2007: 6)

  192. 192 Hartmann (1897: 128)

  193. 193 Ibid., p. 134

  194. 194 Rosenblad (2007[1924]: 85)

  195. 195 Ibid., pp. 89–92

  196. 196 Hartmann (1897: 136–37)

  197. 197 Rosenblad (2007[1924]: 89–92)

  198. 198 Hartmann (1897: 136–37)

  199. 199 Fitzner (1896: 214–15)

  200. 200 Hartmann (1897: 123, 129), Rudner & Rudner [Möller] (1974[1899]: opp. 147, 162)

  201. 201 Rudner & Rudner (2007: 8)

  202. 202 Bollig (1998: 166)

  203. 203 Rudner & Rudner (2006: 192) in Rizzo (2012: 40)

  204. 204 Wadley (1979: 13) after Rudner & Rudner [Möller] (1974[1899]: 33)

  205. 205 Bollig & Olwage (2016: 63) referencing Siiskonen (1990: 148)

  206. 206 Rizzo (2012: 43)

  207. 207 Rudner & Rudner [Möller] (1974[1899]: 181)

  208. 208 Ibid., p. 179

  209. 209 Rizzo (2012: 64-65), GSWA (n.d.: 414)

  210. 210 cf. Kalb (2022: 90–97)

  211. 211 Olusoga & Erichsen (2010: 98–99)

  212. 212 Miescher (2012: 22); also Mackenzie (1988: 48)

  213. 213 Rohde & Hoffman (2012: 278)

  214. 214 Bollig (1998: 164)

  215. 215 Ibid., Friedman (2014[2011])

  216. 216 Miescher (2012: 20)

  217. 217 Ibid., pp. 3, 19

  218. 218 Ibid., pp. 23, 33

  219. 219 Rudner & Rudner (2007: 169) and references therein

  220. 220 Rizzo (2012: 66)

  221. 221 Miescher (2012: 23–33), also Rizzo (2012: 59)

  222. 222 Miescher (2012: 26)

  223. 223 Ibid., p. 22

  224. 224 Rizzo (2012: 59, 69)

  225. 225 Miescher (2012: 25)

  226. 226 Deputy Governor von Lindequist quoted in Miescher (2012: 25)

  227. 227 Ibid., p. 25

  228. 228 Quoted in Miescher (2012: 25)

  229. 229 Ibid.

  230. 230 Ibid. Clearly, they were being requested to remove their herds from the “neutral zone” north of the new cordon posts, meaning that prior to this instruction their herds must have been spread throughout this area. Also Rizzo (2012: 59)

  231. 231 Ibid., p. 58

  232. 232 Ibid., p. 67; Drechsler (1966: 101)

  233. 233 Miescher (2012: 33), after van Warmelo (1962[1951]: 53), based on interviews conducted in 1947.

  234. 234 Drechsler (1966: 98)

  235. 235 Rizzo (2012: 66). Finnish missionary Rautanen reportedly intervened to prevent Owambo kings, including Kambonde, from participating in this ‘Swartbooi and Topnaar’ uprising (Eirola 1992: 82–84 in Rizzo 2012: 66).

  236. 236 Dr Hartmann’s report to Lt. Ziegler [with instruction from von Lindequist to send to Berlin], Marked secret, 13.12.1897, NAN-ZBU 440 D IVf, vol. 1: 45–49.

  237. 237 ‘[…] the Swartbooi Hottentots, after having shown themselves to be unreliable for some time, stole a number of horses and donkeys from the 4th Field Comp. at Franzfontein during the night of Dec. 2-3 with hostile intent against the Government’, von Lindequist to Otjimbingwe District Admin., 8.12.1897, NAN-ZBU 440 D IVf, vol. 1: 13. Also see Schnegg (2007)

  238. 238 Häussler (2019: 183)

  239. 239 NAN-ZBU D IVf, vol. 1: 157–59, von Lindequist to Foreign Office 2.2.1898, relaying combat report from Captain Von Estorff of 5.1.1898: 159

  240. 240 NAN-ZBU D IVf, vol. 1: 189–91, Officer [Hauptmann] Kaiser to Imperial Provincial Government, Windhoek, 3.2.1898 [received 19.2.1898]: 191.

  241. 241 A Kambatta is recorded as part of the ovaHerero leadership at Omaruru in the 1870s (Stals 1991: 223).

  242. 242 NAN-ZBU D IVf, vol. 1: 159, as above.

  243. 243 For example, ‘I humbly inform the Imperial Governorate that Swartboi Hottentott Kuton was shot today after having been sentenced to death’, NAN-ZBU 440 D IVf, vol. 1: 189–91, as above, p. 189.

  244. 244 Kruger (n.d.: 15, 37) in Dieckmann (2007b: 162)

  245. 245 Quoted in Drechsler (1966: 91)

  246. 246 Miescher (2012: 33)

  247. 247 Ibid., p. 33, Rizzo (2012: 64, 67)

  248. 248 Ibid.

  249. 249 Ibid., p. 65. The Schlettwein family continue to own the farm Otjitambi which is run as a hunting lodge, from where trophy hunting safaris into Torra Conservancy further west took place until recently.

  250. 250 Miescher (2012: 34); also Külz (1909: 115), Rizzo (2012: 25)

  251. 251 Ibid., pp. 25–26

  252. 252 Ibid., p. 70; interview with Emma Ganuses, Sesfontein, 14.4.2023, plus multiple other personal communications. Also see Sullivan & Ganuses (2021b)

  253. 253 ǁHawaxab (2019: 1)

  254. 254 Rizzo (2012: 67)

  255. 255 Kruger (n.d.: 38), Rohde & Hoffman (2012: 278)

  256. 256 Weule (1910) in Lebzelter (1934: 107), also quoted in Inskeep (2003: 62–63)

  257. 257 Rohrbach (1909: 1, 29), emphasis added. All Rohrbach translations from German to English are by Ute Dieckmann.

  258. 258 Rohrbach (1909: 3, 18, 26, 35-36, 38). Also Union of South Africa (1918: 110), ǁGaroes (2021)

  259. 259 Rohrbach (1909: 42, 49)

  260. 260 Ibid., pp. 154–55

  261. 261 Olusoga & Erichsen (2010: 120–21)

  262. 262 Ibid., p. 122, Silvester et al. (1998: 5)

  263. 263 Rohrbach (1909: 32),

  264. 264 Ibid., pp. 159–61, 165–66, 177–78, Bley (1998), Häussler (2019: 187)

  265. 265 Rizzo (2012: 22); see also Külz (1909: 121) and Rohrbach (1909: 99-102)

  266. 266 Esterhuyse (1968)

  267. 267 Rohrbach (1909: 177–78)

  268. 268 Drechsler (1966: 94)

  269. 269 Rohrbach (1909: 114–16, 127, 132–33, 148–49, 150)

  270. 270 Ibid., p. 189

  271. 271 Marx (1974[1867]: 667)

  272. 272 Odendaal Report (1964: 67); also Sullivan (1996: 14), Silvester et al. (1998: 17), Schnegg & Pauli (2007: 12), Kössler (2008: 234), Gordon (2009: 33, 41), Rizzo (2012: 21–22)

  273. 273 Rizzo (2012: 70)

  274. 274 Tinley (1971: 5)

  275. 275 Union of South Africa (1918: 34–35)

  276. 276 See https://www.un.org/en/genocideprevention/genocide.shtml

  277. 277 For example, Drechsler (1986), Lau (1995[1989]), Bley (1998), and multiple chapters in Zimmerer & Zeller (2008[2003]) and Hartmann (2019)

  278. 278 van Warmelo (1962[1951]: 37)

  279. 279 Rizzo (2012: 21) and references therein.

  280. 280 Ibid.

  281. 281 Ibid., p. 20, and references therein.

  282. 282 van Warmelo (1962[1951]: 37), Fuller (1993: 66)

  283. 283 Rizzo (2012: 27)

  284. 284 Gordon (2009: 33)

  285. 285 Ibid., p. 35

  286. 286 Ibid; also Gordon (1992: 58)

  287. 287 Bollig & Olwage (2016: 63)

  288. 288 In Rizzo (2012: 39)

  289. 289 In 1900 Lieutenant Franke presented Kakurukouje / Kasupi with a gun that became known as ombandururwa, making him the agent for German administration in Kaokoland (Bollig 1997: 26, 1998: 170; Miescher 2012: 33); reportedly in the hope of encouraging him to venture to southern Angola in order to convince other Herero (Himba or Tjimba) to cross the Kunene into German South West Africa (Bollig & Heinemann 2002: 278; Rizzo 2012: 50).

  290. 290 In Rizzo (2012: 39-40, 49–50)

  291. 291 Bollig & Olwage (2016: 63–64) referencing von Moltke (2003[[1943]: 222, 289, 331, 43)

  292. 292 Schoeman (2007: 14)

  293. 293 Esterhuyse (1968: 108)

  294. 294 Bollig & Olwage (2016: 63)

  295. 295 von François (1899: 107), Joubert (1974: 35), Miescher (2009: 98)

  296. 296 Joubert (1974: 35)

  297. 297 Ibid.

  298. 298 Muschalek (2020[2019]: 101, 87–88, and sources therein)

  299. 299 ZBU MII C1 in Dieckmann (2007a: 74); also Bridgeford (2018: 12)

  300. 300 Rohrbach (1909: 57)

  301. 301 Ibid., p. 67

  302. 302 Joubert (1974: 35)

  303. 303 Ibid.

  304. 304 Botha (2005: 174)

  305. 305 Bridgeford (2018: 12)

  306. 306 ZBU MII,E.1, in Dieckmann (2007a: 75–76)

  307. 307 Bollig (1997: 19). Game Reserve No. 1 was located north-east of Grootfontein including ‘protected game in the Omuramba Omutako’ and Game Reserve No. 3 was south of the Swakop River and east of the British enclave of Walvis Bay (Bridgeford 2018: 13), later becoming the Namib Game Reserve (Botha 2005: 182), and now the Namib-Naukluft National Park.

  308. 308 Bridgeford (2018: 12)

  309. 309 Dieckmann (2007a: 75), and references therein; also Berry (1980: 53)

  310. 310 Bridgeford (2018: 12)

  311. 311 Berry (1997: 4)

  312. 312 Bollig (2020: 109)

  313. 313 ZBU W II B.2, 15.10.1908 in Dieckmann (2007a: 77)

  314. 314 Discussed in detailed in Hayes (2000), Rizzo (2012) and Sullivan (2022: 5–7)

  315. 315 Joubert (1974: 36)

  316. 316 Gordon & Sholto-Douglas (2000)

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